Political positioning and rhetoric undermine Nigeria’s democracy
Our leaders are pretension in assuming that they know what is best for us
or that what is good for them is good for the nation.
This is an endemic fallacy.
If there is one problem bedeviling Nigeria’s nascent democracy, it is the belief that power is more important than governance. Frequently, one encounters outlandishly crude policy debate, which the underlying impetus is not the substance, but marginal and partisan interests. It is all about politicking and no governance.
I was already reviewing the second draft of this piece, when I read Rueben Abati’s article titled, “Five Things To Remember On May 29” (The Guardian, 18 May 2008). Embedded in the body of that article, was a subtitle, “How Politics Underdevelops Nigeria”, which coincidentally, was the sub theme of my piece. As gratifying, as it was to know that there were other people, who like me, felt that political positioning and rhetoric were undermining democracy in Nigeria, I cannot claim that this is a case of great minds thinking alike. Rather, I sense that the coincidence reflects the topicality of the issue and the enormity of concern that we should all feel about how politics is used to undermine governance. Before I move on, I wish to state that I concur fully with two points made by Mr. Abati: ”Politics is thriving in Nigeria, not democracy” and ”Every useful initiative eventually ends up as politics.” Such dispositions are hugely dangerous given the drift as well as the illusion they represent.
In Nigeria and at all levels, the best game in town, the best hedge on an investment and the underpinning ethos of everyday living and wellbeing or lack thereof, of 160 million Nigerians, boils down to one word: politics. Indeed, many Nigerian elected officials seem to mistake politicking and partisanship for leadership, just as the National Assembly seems to believe that probing every act of a fly that perches on their nose, will make up for their legislative obligations and providing regulatory guidance for public and private enterprise.
One does not necessarily have to agree with or accept the oftentimes self-serving foreign assessment of the state of Nigeria. However, the reality, which our leaders seem to shirk and abhor, demands that we do so occasionally, especially, when such views are in tandem with those of members of the Nigerian attentive public. The Financial Times observed recently that Nigeria is drifting. Nothing new I would say. But of our nascent democracy, Yar’Adua’s presidency and style, it also opined, “If Nigeria is to consolidate fragile steps towards more accountable rule and harness optimism abroad about its economic future, it will require firmer direction from the top.”
It was US Speaker of the House Thomas “Tip” O'Neill, who once proclaimed, "All politics is local." He did so in attempting to explain how personal and local political dynamics around the country could positively or adversely affect the effectiveness of lawmakers and hence, their legislative obligations. The Nigerian parallel is the employment or exploitation of the personal disposition of President Yar’Adua – his nicety, commitment to the rule of law and due process, respect of institutions of state and the separation of powers, etc. – for personal or partisan ends, that doe not serve collective interest or advance a true democracy.
It is perhaps worth exploring herein, how politics is being used to undermine national development and progress. Evidently there is justification for every drawback and a word; or as a friend who recently relocated to Nigeria had put it, a “current catch phrase in public policy speaks” for every thing – for every excuse. My friend felt compelled to write a reflective piece three months after his return to Lagos from a twenty-something years sojourn abroad. The first part of his observations was acutely dead on the mark of the pitfalls of politics versus democracy. His words:
It is some of the smaller and much more easily identifiable challenges that seem to elude the vision, and it is one of these that I want to underscore here: discipline and respect for the rule of law. The best economic prescriptions will amount to precious little if we do not create the right enabling environment in which they can take root. A country where there is little or no regard for the rule of law can only expect limited progress.
Our leaders have betrayed one of the core principles of federalism by playing politics with the commonweal. What we have, is ruling party and government with incompatible objectives. Presently though on paper and in principle we remain a democracy, Nigerians feel severely the absence of a strong leadership footprint on our nascent democracy. Nevertheless, broad expectations of elected leaders to perform their statutory duties can hardly be unrealistic. While as a nation, we are not bereft of talented people experienced in governance matters, it is deeply regrettable that President Yar’Adua recently expressed concern about the paucity of strategic thinkers and problem solvers within his cabinet. This is indeed regrettable. It is perhaps worth utilizing several topical issues with significant impact on the national interest, to show how we play the roulette with vital national issues, which if rightly handled, could become the underpinning basis for codification of practices and norms.
President Yar’Adua is a decent man. But decency in Nigerian politics is often interpreted as weakness. This may explain why nicety and decency of the top man has become an indirect fodder for those who engage in extralegal machinations within government. Today, public officials who employ bureaucratese or misleading language, such as the “the president has graciously consented to..”, ”it was done within the extant regulation…” and ” we were able to obtain the president’s anticipatory approval…” understand fully that they are merely exploiting loopholes. Moreover, such elected officials and technocrats understand that “presidential words can also define momentous policy”. Whereas, well-meaning and honest public officials use such dispositions to promote public policies and interest, their less honest and less sanguine counterparts, use such opportunities to further personal gains and political ambitions.
Anyone who understands a thing or two about big bureaucracies knows that government business is hardly ever, conducted orally. To keep the nefarious in check, ensure continuity and institutional memory, there has to be a paper trail, even in this electronic age. Bureaucrats call it CYA – “cover your ass.” Hence, only those with dubious intent engage in the doublespeak dodge, often seeing it as “smart politics”. If not, how does one explain for instance, the utter disregard of the extant statute, in the appointment of Mrs. Farida Waziri as Chair of the EFCC, without even the courtesy of an advisory note from the Executive Branch to the National Assembly. The ensuing controversy over alleged procedural irregularities in her nomination is quite understandable considering that the reassignment of the former EFCC Chair, Nuhu Ribadu’s had elicited a similar controversy.
Likewise, when recently House Speaker Dimeji Bankole said that there was no consolidated record of Nigeria’s oil sales for the past forty years, he never said that the records never existed. If public records existed and are subsequently destroyed, cannot be found or intentional suppressed (ala the Okigbo Report), then, someone is playing dirty politics with the issue. Prof Tam David-West (one of the few high placed Nigerian officials ever convicted for accepting bribe) excoriated Hon. Bankole. The question is this: between Hon. Bankole and Prof. David-West, who is playing politics with the facts. As late Senator Patrick Moynihan once observed, “Although everyone is entitled to their own opinion, they are not entitled to their own facts”.
Abati was right in noting that in Nigeria, “Every useful initiative eventually ends up as politics.” We must think of all the probes and public inquiry reports Nigeria has commissioned since independence that never saw the light of day. Initiating a probe or commissioning a report conveys the notion of transparency and assuage ill fillings. Presumably, that is all it is supposed to do. However, a suppressed or unimplemented report hardly brings the desired closure to an issue. When the ruling party treats acts warranting criminal investigations or legislative censure or indictments as “family affairs”, it amounts to playing politics in the name of democracy.
The administration of Nigeria is replete with historical nuggets of incoming administrations being fixated on the policies of their predecessor regime; not necessarily to build on them, but to dismantle them and then recast the same policy under new names, new contracts and new expenditure. Of late, we have been witnesses to a spate of policy reversals. Much of these policies and programs were much vaunted by President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. The paradox, however, is that those behind the current policy reversals, were also instrumental to their being enacted by the previous government. What do they stand to gain or lose? Go figure!
NIGER DELTA CRISIS POLITICS
Let us take for instance, the Niger Delta Crisis, an issue critical to national wellbeing and therefore one that resonates widely. Political leaders use various words to highlight its importance, but all to no avail when it comes to addressing the development in the oil producing communities, hence the present crisis. Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro brought the needs of the Niger Delta communities to our national consciousness in the late 1960s. , From thereon, through the creation of the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) in 1989 and the establishment of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) in 2000, we have sunken millions of Naira into the region, created many multi-millionaires in the process, yet, we have not managed the core issues -- resource sharing and environmental degradation well. Simply put, we have consistently played politics of convenience with the Niger Delta. Is it a Federal or State issue? Well, it is both, but more importantly, it is a national security issue with demanding imperatives. As Dan Amor recently noted in a Nigerian newspaper:
The criminality going on in the Niger Delta is the outcome of the hypocrisy of the Federal authorities and the multi-national oil companies who think that spending N200 billion daily on maintaining military presence in the region is better than investing such money in social infrastructure, education, training and employment of youths in order to address the social and economic grievances which lie at the heart of the current hostage taking and slow motion slide into guerrilla warfare in the region. Rather than use the huge gas reserves in the Niger Delta as feed-stock to drive power plants, petrochemical industries and allied investments which will turn the region into Nigeria's, nay West Africa's industrial powerhouse. This was the experience of Johannesburg (gold city) in South Africa following the discovery of gold there. Instead, our rulers prefer the obviously unimaginative, lazy and shortsighted way of stashing the huge oil revenue in foreign reserves to power the economy of the "G8" countries. What an unpardonable idiocy and shame!
Its politicization notwithstanding, Niger Delta is about those who legitimately feel disenfranchised. Mishandling of the Niger Delta grievances has certainly left more deep-seated animosities in its wake.
OIL REVENUE AND EXCESS CRUDE POLITICS
Basics Arithmetic is rather straight and operates on four cardinal pillars: addition, subtraction, division and multiplication. However, these principles seem to progressively change and assume different shades when it come to Nigeria’s oil revenue and accounting for it. Simply put, those in charge, play politics with the oil figures - both the allotment and the accruing revenue.
At different times, I have in this space touched on the less than transparent ways we handle our oil proceeds. I also touched on the critical question of domestic excess oil crude allocation. The matter is still far from being resolved. I also do not see that the powers-that-be are in anyway inclined to stop playing politics with our oil policies. If not, how one does explain certain policy excuses offered by Nigerian public officials, except to characterize them as the “usual politics.” Even the blind knows from hearing and the deaf from reading, that it has been ages since the domestic refineries in Nigeria produced refined products at their full capacities. Yet, each month, the full quota of crude oil are allocated to refineries based their on their full refining capacities. What nobody says is how and where the excess unrefined crude is disposed; and if not used, where it is stored.
Recently, when this issue reared its ugly head again, Minister of State for Finance, Remi Babalola's as per media reports (The Guardian, 24 Apr08) explained the matter a way that left one’s head reeling. The Honorable Ministers words: "... the arrears (petrol subsidies) for January to March 2008 have been submitted by the PPPRA for processing and will be funded from the same excess crude account as has been the extant practice and to which Mr. President has graciously consented as it affects all tiers of government...." This explanation is a dodge or a forge or both. The world be dammed, if this does not amount to “Robbing Peter to pay Paul”, with the obvious intent to obfuscate existing policies. If we were not talking about crude oil, but cash or the revenue from it, what the minister referred to, is in accounting terms, called “vitiation” and could not possibly happen without authorization from the overseeing authority. So, where are the federal auditors in all this?
Interestingly, for anyone who has paid the scantiest attention to this matter, the official charged with the broader issue of overseeing national revenue, Mr. Hamman Tukur, Chairman of the Revenue Mobilization, Allocation and Fiscal Committee (RMAFC), has long decried the practice that Minister Babalola tries to validate. On more than one occasion, perhaps with the benefit of hindsight regarding the gross misuse of “dedicated accounts” during the Babangida and Abacha era, Mr. Tukur had publicly condemned the existence of an excess crude account and on each occasion, characterized them as unconstitutional and a cover for siphoning funds from official coffers, aka presumptive fraud. Statutorily, both Tukur and Babalola are advisers to President Yar’Adua. One wonders who has the upper hand on such policy matters. Well, it is all about politics.
SELECTIVE DUE PROCESS POLITICS
When in 2007 the Siemens bribe scandal broke, embarrassed Nigeria promptly cancelled all existing contracts with Siemens and suspended further dealings with the company. In reality, however, whereas Siemens’ chairman and chief executive both quit over the alleged scandal of Siemens paying bribes to Nigerian officials, and the company was fined €201 million and made to pay €179 million in back taxes, nothing happened at Nigerian end. Besides media reports about EFCC investigation of some highly placed Nigerians, including four former ministers of communications, namely, Cornelius Adebayo, Haruna Elewi, Tajudeen Olanrewaju and Bello Muhammad as well as Senator Jubril Aminu, who were all reportedly mentioned as recipients of Siemens bribe, in the trial proceedings in a court in Munich, Gernamy, zilch has happened. In a country that practices real democracy that would not be the case and it would also not be the case in Nigeria, if politics did not subjugate democracy.
However, the greatest scandal of all is this: in the wake of the scandal, the ever-loquacious Attorney-General Michael Aondoakaa, proclaimed, “We are going to look at the case. As the Attorney-General of the Federation, I can tell you that it is not a matter that government will treat with levity.” He had even threatened to summon Mr. Joachim Schmillen, Germany’s ambassador to Nigeria to explain the scandal. Yet nothing further has been heard of the scandal despite the Attorney-General’s bluster. But then what is new? Look at the length of time it took EFCC to to take Senator Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello into custody, on allegation of being in possession of N10 million from the N300 million Ministry of Health’s unspent fund scam. While she was in hiding, certainly, people assisted her, which in any real democracy, amounts to obstruction of justice - an act that is equally a punishable offence.
AVOIDING JUDICIAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBPOENA POLITICS
When the Oputa Panel convened several years back, it invited Nigerians in their public and private capacities to come forth and testify. Because it was convenient for President Obasanjo or better still, since he was still aspiring to be like Nelson Mandela, he showed up. But his fellow and subordinate ex-general, notably Ibrahim Babangida did not. Nothing happened. Only this week, Minister of Finance, Shamsudeen Usman and Dr. Bright Okongwu, the Director of Budget Office failed to appear before the Senate Committee on Local and Foreign Debts to explain what happened to the allotted N25 billion in the 2006 budget meant for payment to local contractors. Instead, they sent their minions who were dismissed b the committee. Instances such as these are neither new nor infrequent. After all, former President Obasanjo conveniently found every excuse including anger and ennui, not to appear before a National Assembly panel probing the energy sector contracts during his regime. If former heads of state sworn to uphold the law can be so contemptuous of the law and its makers, why do we expect the common person – the so-called children of a lesser God – not to toe their line and example? All said these episodes speak to our weak institutions and our utter disregard for the rule of law.
OVERLOOKING CONFLICT OF INTEREST POLITICS
In the wake of the Ministry of Health unspent budgetary allocation scam, the Federal Government recently issued a circular through Mr. Babagana Kingibe, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, reaffirming the illegality of ministries and agencies purchasing vehicles for National Assembly members or granting loans to them for whatever purposes. Simply put such gratification amounts to a conflict of interest. Besides the impropriety of those in the legislative branch collecting money from the executive branch institutions, for which they have fiscal oversight, the legislature, as an independent arm of the government has its own budget. Furthermore, as comforting as it may seem for the Federal Government to announce as it did recently, that it had recovered some N300 billion in unspent 2007 capital budget for ministries, departments and agencies, the announcement still begs the question. First, it means that the accounting officers had ignored spending rules and financial codes and regulations. Second, beyond the current accounting officers being disdainful about the rule of law, what happened to the unspent capital budget expenditures between 1999 and 2007?
PRIVATIZATION POLITICS
New reports of controversies surrounding the privatization of publicly owned companies and enterprises suggest that all is not well with their handling. We know this much is; most were transferred into private domestic and foreign hands for pittances; read NICON Hilton Hotel, NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, NITEL, Ajaokuta Steel Mills, and the Port Harcourt and Kaduna Refineries (later rescinded). Only recently, the Federal Government agreed to an out of court settlement with Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim, over his acquisition of NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, when it was evident that Mr. Ibrahim had not meet his due diligence with regards to the new “recapitalization threshold” and settling all NICON’s legitimate claims and outstanding liabilities to its creditors. Finally, today, no one seems to care about the security implications of ours being a nation without a solid land-based telephony system. We all rely on the GSM, even though we do not control the transmitting and relay satellites. Yet, are leaders are comfortable and believe that a multiplicity of GSM network and carriers, some foreign, is critical national advancement. In their political etymology, it is progress. Our national development and self-improvement ethos has never been so ironic.
AS I SEE IT
There will always be a disjunction between playing politics and practicing real democracy. However, our leaders consistently outwit themselves with pretension, in assuming that they know what is best for us or that what is good for them is good for the nation. This is an endemic fallacy. Such politics of self-gratification is not the bedrock of any true democracy. Additionally, leading by precepts has never engendered optimism – not even the-glass-is-half-full type. Our nation, unfortunately, has been subjected such form of governance.
Perhaps, in accepting that our bane has been bad leadership, which willy-nilly translates to bad governance, we should look anew at how we train our leaders, their orientation and how they are selected. Finally, we must try to assess if our leaders truly understand their responsibility to us in a democracy; the system of government we have chosen. As Max de Pree observed, “The first responsibility of a leader is to define reality. The last to say thank you. In between the two, the leader must become a servant and a debtor.” Only when we find leaders who are indebted to us as the electing constituency, will we begin to make headway in our democracy. Until then, it will be the same rut of politics as usual or the usual politics, all in the name of democracy. For now, Nigeria’s governance is all about posturing and speaking the right political language.
With neither anger nor partiality, until next time, keep the law, stay impartial, and observe closely.
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Le positionnement et la rhétorique politiques minent la démocratie du Nigéria
Automatically translated into French thanks to WorldLingo
Le positionnement et la rhétorique politiques minent la démocratie du Nigéria que
nos chefs sont prétension en supposant qu'ils savent ce qui est le meilleur pour nous
ou que ce qui est bon pour elles est bon pour la nation.
C'est une erreur endémique.
S'il y a un problème bedeviling la démocratie naissante du Nigéria, c'est la croyance que la puissance est plus importante que le gouvernement. Fréquemment, on rencontre la discussion exotique brute de politique, que l'impulsion fondamentale n'est pas la substance, mais les intérêts marginaux et partisans. Il est tout au sujet de politicking et d'aucun gouvernement.
Je passais en revue déjà la deuxième ébauche de ce morceau, quand j'ai lu l'article de Rueben Abati intitulé, « cinq choses à se rappeler le 29 mai » (le gardien, 18 mai 2008). Été inclus dans le corps de cet article, a un sous-titre, « comment la politique Underdevelops Nigéria », qui par coïncidence, était le thème secondaire de mon morceau. Comme gratifiant, car il était de savoir qu'il y avait d'autres, qui comme moi, le feutre que le positionnement et la rhétorique politiques minaient la démocratie au Nigéria, je ne peux pas réclamer que c'est un cas de grands esprits pensant de même. Plutôt, je sens que la coïncidence reflète l'actualité de la question et l'énormité du souci qui nous devrions tout nous sentir au sujet de la façon dont la politique est employée pour miner le gouvernement. Avant que je passe, je souhaite déclarer que j'approuve entièrement deux remarques faites par M. Abati : La » politique prospère au Nigéria, pas démocratie » et » chaque initiative utile finit par la suite vers le haut comme politique. » De telles dispositions sont énormement dangereuses données la dérive aussi bien que l'illusion qu'elles représentent.
Au Nigéria et à tous les niveaux, le meilleur jeu en ville, la meilleure haie sur un investissement et l'éthos de soutien de la vie et du bien-être journaliers ou manquent en, de 160 millions de nigériens, des ébullitions vers le bas à un mot : la politique. En effet, beaucoup de fonctionnaires élus nigériens semblent confondre politicking et l'esprit de parti pour la conduite, juste comme l'Assemblée nationale semble croire cela qui sonde chaque acte d'une mouche qui est perché sur leur nez, compensera leurs engagements législatifs et fournir des conseils de normalisation pour l'entreprise privée publique et.
On ne doit pas nécessairement être conforme à ou accepter l'évaluation étrangère souvent égoïste de l'état du Nigéria. Cependant, la réalité, qui nos chefs semblent au shirk et détestent, exige que nous tellement de temps en temps, en particulier, quand de telles vues sont l'en tandem avec ceux des membres du public attentif nigérien. Le Financial Times a observé récemment que le Nigéria dérive. Rien de neuf je dirais. Mais de notre démocratie naissante, Yar économique plus responsable fragile' Adua et modèle, il était d'avis également, « si le Nigéria est de consolider présidence des d'étapes vers la règle et l'optimisme de harnais à l'étranger au sujet de son futur, il exigera une direction plus ferme à partir du dessus. »
C'était haut-parleur des USA de "TIP" O'Neill de Thomas de Chambre, qui a par le passé proclamé, « toute la politique est local. » Il a fait ainsi en essayant d'expliquer comment dynamique politique personnelle et locale dans le pays pourrait franchement ou compromettre l'efficacité des législateurs et par conséquent, leurs engagements législatifs. Le parallèle nigérien est l'emploi ou l'exploitation de la disposition personnelle du Président Yar' Adua - sa finesse, engagement à la règle de la loi et du processus dû, respect des établissements de l'état et de la séparation des puissances, etc. - pour les extrémités personnelles ou partisanes, cet intérêt collectif de service de daine pas ou avancez une démocratie vraie.
Il est peut-être intéressant explorer ci-dessus, comment la politique est employée pour miner le développement national et le progrès. Évidemment il y a justification pour chaque inconvénient et un mot ; ou pendant qu'un ami qui a récemment replacé au Nigéria l'avait mis, « un slogan courant dans l'ordre public parle » pour chaque chose - pour chaque excuse. Mon feutre d'ami obligé d'écrire à un morceau réfléchissant trois mois après le sien retour vers Lagos d'une vingt-quelque chose des années séjournent à l'étranger. La première partie de ses observations était intensément morte sur la marque des pièges de la politique contre la démocratie. Ses mots :
Il est certains des défis plus petits et beaucoup plus facilement identifiables qui semblent éluder la vision, et elle est l'une de ces derniers que je veux souligner ici : disciplinez et respectez pour la règle de la loi. Les meilleures prescriptions économiques s'élèveront très à peu si nous ne créons pas le bon environnement permettant dans lequel elles peuvent prendre racine. Un pays où il y a peu ou pas de respect pour la règle de la loi peut seulement s'attendre au progrès limité.
Nos chefs ont trahi un des principes de noyau du fédéralisme en jouant la politique avec le bien de tous. Ce que nous avons, règne la partie et le gouvernement avec des objectifs incompatibles. Actuellement cependant sur le papier et en principe nous restons une démocratie, nigériens sentons sévèrement l'absence d'une empreinte de pas forte de conduite sur notre démocratie naissante. Néanmoins, les larges espérances des chefs élus pour effectuer leurs fonctions statutaires peuvent à peine être peu réalistes. Tandis que comme nation, nous ne sommes pas privés des personnes douées expérimentées dans des sujets de gouvernement, il est profondément regrettable que le Président Yar' Adua ait récemment exprimé des inquiétudes concernant le manque des penseurs et des solutionneurs de problèmes stratégiques dans son coffret. C'est en effet regrettable. Il est peut-être intéressant utiliser plusieurs questions topiques avec l'impact significatif sur l'intérêt national, de montrer comment nous jouons la roulette avec les questions nationales essentielles, qui si correctement manipulé, pourrait devenir la base de soutien pour la codification des pratiques et des normes.
Le Président Yar' Adua est un homme décent. Mais la décence dans la politique nigérienne est souvent interprétée comme faiblesse. Ceci peut expliquer pourquoi la finesse et la décence de l'homme supérieur est devenue un fourrage indirect pour ceux qui s'engagent dans des machinations extralegal dans le gouvernement. Aujourd'hui, les fonctionnaires publics qui utilisent la langue bureaucratese ou fallacieuse, telle que « le président a aimablement consenti à. », » elle a été faite dans le règlement existant… » et » nous pouvions obtenir l'approbation anticipée du président… » comprenez entièrement qu'ils exploitent simplement des échappatoires. D'ailleurs, de tels fonctionnaires et technocrates élus comprennent que « les mots présidentiels peuvent également définir la politique importante ». Considérant que, la bien-signification et les fonctionnaires publics honnêtes emploient de telles dispositions de favoriser des ordres publics et intérêt, leurs contre-parties moins honnêtes et moins sanguines, employez de telles occasions encore d'autres à gains personnels et à ambitions politiques.
N'importe qui qui comprend qu'une chose ou deux au sujet de grandes bureaucraties sait que les affaires de gouvernement sont à peine jamais, conduit oralement. Pour maintenir le célérat dans le contrôle, assurez la continuité et la mémoire institutionnelle, il doit y a une traînée de papier, même dans cette ère électronique. Les bureaucrates l'appellent CYA - « couvrez votre Ass. » par conséquent, seulement ceux avec l'intention douteuse s'engagent dans le détour de doublespeak, la voyant souvent en tant que « politique futée ». Sinon, comment fait un expliquez par exemple, la négligence totale du statut existant, dans la nomination de Mme. Farida Waziri comme chaise de l'EFCC, sans même la courtoisie d'une note consultative de la branche exécutive à l'Assemblée nationale. L'excédent suivant de polémique a allégué des irrégularités procédurales dans sa nomination est tout à fait compréhensible considérant que la rattribution de l'ancienne chaise d'EFCC, Nuhu Ribadu avait obtenu une polémique semblable.
De même, quand récemment l'orateur Dimeji Bankole de Chambre a dit qu'il n'y avait aucun disque consolidé des ventes du pétrole du Nigéria pendant les quarante dernières années, il n'a jamais dit que les disques n'ont jamais existé. Si le public enregistre existé et est plus tard détruit, ne peut pas être trouvé ou intentionnel supprimé (aile du nez le rapport d'Okigbo), alors, quelqu'un joue la politique sale avec la question. Prof. Tam David-Ouest (un des quelques hauts fonctionnaires nigériens placés jamais condamnés pour accepter le dessous de table) a excorié Hon. Bankole. La question est ceci : entre Hon. Bankole et prof. David-Ouest, qui joue la politique avec les faits. En tant que tard sénateur Patrick Moynihan une fois observé, « bien que chacun ait droit à leur propre avis, ils n'ont pas droit à leurs propres faits ».
Abati était exact en notant qu'au Nigéria, « chaque initiative utile finit par la suite vers le haut comme politique. » Nous devons penser à toutes sondes et les rapports publics Nigéria d'enquête a commissionné depuis l'indépendance qui n'a jamais vu la lumière du jour. Le lancement d'une sonde ou la commission d'un rapport donne la notion du transparent et soulage les remplissages malades. Vraisemblablement, c'est tout on le cense que faire. Cependant, un rapport supprimé ou unimplemented apporte à peine la fermeture désirée à une question. Quand la partie régnante traite des actes justifiant des investigations criminelles ou la censure législative ou des actes d'accusation en tant que « affaires de famille », elle s'élève à jouer la politique au nom de la démocratie.
L'administration du Nigéria est remplie des pépites historiques des administrations entrantes étant fixées sur les politiques de leur régime de prédécesseur ; pas nécessairement pour construire sur eux, mais pour les démanteler et puis remanier la même politique sous de nouveaux noms, de nouveaux contrats et nouvelle dépense. De tard, nous avons été des témoins à un flux des inversions de politique. Beaucoup de ces politiques et des programmes ont été beaucoup vantés par l'administration du Président Olusegun Obasanjo. Le paradoxe, cependant, est que ceux derrière les inversions courantes de politique, étaient également instrumentaux au leur décrété par le gouvernement précédent. Que se tiennent-elles pour gagner ou pour perdre ? Disparaissent la figure !
La POLITIQUE de CRISE de DELTA du NIGER
laisse nous prendre par exemple, la crise de delta du Niger, une question critique au bien-être national et donc une qui résonnent largement. Les chefs politiques emploient de divers mots pour accentuer son importance, mais tout en vain quand elle vient à adresser le développement dans les communautés productrices de pétrole, par conséquent la crise. Le jaspe Adaka Boro d'Isaac a apporté les besoins des communautés de delta du Niger à notre conscience nationale vers la fin des années 60. , De là-dessus, par la création de la Commission productrice minérale de développement de régions d'huile (OMPADEC) en 1989 et de l'établissement de la Commission de développement de delta du Niger (NDDC) en 2000, nous évier des millions de Naira dans la région, créés beaucoup de multimillionnaires dans le processus, pourtant, nous n'avons pas contrôlé les questions de noyau -- partage des ressources et puits environnemental de dégradation. Simplement mis, nous avons uniformément joué la politique de la convenance avec le delta du Niger. Est-ce une question fédérale ou d'état ? Bien, il est tous deux, mais d'une manière primordiale, c'est une question concernant la sécurité national avec des impératifs exigeants. Comme Dan Amor récemment remarquable dans un journal nigérien :
La criminalité continuant dans le delta du Niger est les résultats de l'hypocrisie des autorités fédérales et les compagnies pétrolières multinationales qui pensent que dépenser N200 milliard quotidien sur maintenir la présence militaire dans la région est meilleur qu'investissant un tel argent dans l'infrastructure, l'éducation, la formation et l'emploi sociaux des jeunesses afin d'adresser les réclamations sociales et économiques qui se trouvent au coeur de la glissière de prise courante de l'otage et de mouvement lent dans la guérilla dans la région. Plutôt qu'employez les réservations énormes de gaz dans le delta du Niger comme matière de base pour conduire les centrales électriques, les industries pétrochimiques et les investissements alliés qui transformeront la région en le Nigéria, la centrale électrique industrielle de l'Afrique non occidentale. C'était l'expérience de Johannesburg (ville d'or) en Afrique du Sud suivant la découverte de l'or là. Au lieu de cela, nos règles préfèrent évidemment la manière de dénué d'imagination, paresseuse et myope de cacher le revenu énorme d'huile dans les réservations étrangères pour actionner l'économie des pays de « G8 ». Une quelles idéotie et honte impardonnables !
Sa politisation nonobstant, le delta du Niger est au sujet de ceux qui se sentent légitimement a privé des droits civiques. Traiter mal des réclamations de delta du Niger a certainement laissé des animosités plus situées en profondeur dans son sillage.
Le REVENU d'HUILE ET l'arithmétique BRUTE EXCESSIVE
de fondations de la POLITIQUE est plutôt droit et opère quatre piliers cardinaux : addition, soustraction, division et multiplication. Cependant, ces principes semblent progressivement changer et assumer différentes nuances quand il viennent au revenu du pétrole du Nigéria et à l'expliquer. Simplement mis, ces responsable, la politique de jeu avec de l'huile figure - l'attribution et le revenu s'accroissant.
À différentes heures, j'ai dans cet espace touché sur les manières moins que transparentes que nous manipulons notre montant d'huile. J'ai également touché sur la question critique de l'attribution domestique de brut d'excédent d'huile. La matière est toujours loin de l'résolution. J'également ne vois pas que le puissance-que-être sont dans de toute façon incliné pour cesser de jouer la politique avec nos politiques pétrolières. Sinon, comment on explique certaines excuses de politique offertes par les fonctionnaires publics nigériens, excepté pour les caractériser comme « politique habituelle. » Même l'aveugle sait de l'audition et le sourd de la lecture, celui c'a été des âges depuis que les raffineries domestiques au Nigéria ont produit les produits de raffinage à leurs pleines capacités. Cependant, chaque mois, la pleine quote-part de pétrole brut sont assignées aux raffineries a basé leurs dessus leurs pleines capacités de raffinage. Ce que personne ne dit est comment et où le brut non raffiné excessif est disposé ; et sinon utilisé, où il est stocké.
Récemment, quand cette question a élevé sa tête laide encore, le ministre de l'état pour des finances, Remi Babalola selon des rapports de médias (le gardien, 24 avr. 08) a expliqué la matière une manière ce tournoyer principal à un gauche. Les mots honorables de ministres : "... les arriérés (subventions d'essence) pour janvier au mars 2008 ont été soumis par le PPPRA pour traiter et seront placés du même compte brut excessif qu'a été la pratique existante et à quel M. Le président a aimablement consenti pendant qu'il affecte toutes les rangées de gouvernement….« Cette explication est un détour ou une forge ou tous deux. Le monde soit endigué, si ceci ne s'élève pas à « voler Peter au salaire Paul », avec l'intention évidente pour assombrir des politiques existantes. Si nous ne parlions pas du pétrole brut, mais de l'argent comptant ou du revenu de lui, à ce que le ministre s'est référé, est en termes de comptabilité, appelés le « vitiation » et ne pourrait pas probablement se produire sans autorisation de l'autorité de surveillance. Ainsi, où les auditeurs fédéraux sont-ils en tout ceci ?
Intéressant, pour n'importe qui qui a prêté l'attention la plus maigre à cette matière, le fonctionnaire a chargé de la question plus large du revenu national de surveillance, M. Hamman Tukur, Président de la mobilisation de revenu, de l'attribution et du Comité fiscal (RMAFC), a longtemps décrié la pratique qui ministre des essais de Babalola pour valider. À plus d'une occasion, peut-être avec l'avantage de la rétrospection concernant l'abus brut de « a consacré des comptes » pendant l'ère de Babangida et d'Abacha, M. Tukur avait publiquement condamné l'existence d'un compte brut excessif et à chaque occasion, caractérisée leur en tant qu'inconstitutionnel et une couverture pour siphonner des fonds des coffres officiels, fraude présumée d'aka. Statutairement, Tukur et Babalola sont des conseillers au Président Yar' Adua. On se demande qui a le dessus sur de tels sujets de politique. Bien, il est tout au sujet de la politique.
La POLITIQUE SÉLECTIVE de PROCESSUS DÛ
quand dans 2007 que le scandale de dessous de table de Siemens s'est cassés, a embarrassé le Nigéria a promptement décommandé tous les contrats existants avec Siemens et a suspendu d'autres rapport d'affaires avec la compagnie. À la réalité, cependant, tandis que Président et le cadre supérieur tous les deux de Siemens le' ont stoppé l'excédent le scandale allégué de Siemens versant des dessous de table sur les fonctionnaires nigériens, et à la compagnie a été condamné à €201 millions et fait pour payer €179 millions dans des impôts arrières, rien s'est produit à l'extrémité nigérienne. Sans compter que des médias rapporte au sujet de la recherche d'EFCC sur quelques nigériens fortement placés, y compris quatre anciens ministres des communications, à savoir, Cornelius Adebayo, Haruna Elewi, Tajudeen Olanrewaju et Bello Muhammad comme le sénateur Jubril Aminu, qui étaient toutes censément mentionnées comme destinataires de dessous de table de Siemens, dans les démarches d'essai dans une cour à Munich, Gernamy, zilch s'est produit. In a country that practices real democracy that would not be the case and it would also not be the case in Nigeria, if politics did not subjugate democracy.
However, the greatest scandal of all is this: in the wake of the scandal, the ever-loquacious Attorney-General Michael Aondoakaa, proclaimed, “We are going to look at the case. As the Attorney-General of the Federation, I can tell you that it is not a matter that government will treat with levity.” He had even threatened to summon Mr. Joachim Schmillen, Germany’s ambassador to Nigeria to explain the scandal. Yet nothing further has been heard of the scandal despite the Attorney-General’s bluster. But then what is new? Look at the length of time it took EFCC to to take Senator Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello into custody, on allegation of being in possession of N10 million from the N300 million Ministry of Health’s unspent fund scam. While she was in hiding, certainly, people assisted her, which in any real democracy, amounts to obstruction of justice - an act that is equally a punishable offence.
AVOIDING JUDICIAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBPOENA POLITICS
When the Oputa Panel convened several years back, it invited Nigerians in their public and private capacities to come forth and testify. Because it was convenient for President Obasanjo or better still, since he was still aspiring to be like Nelson Mandela, he showed up. But his fellow and subordinate ex-general, notably Ibrahim Babangida did not. Nothing happened. Only this week, Minister of Finance, Shamsudeen Usman and Dr. Bright Okongwu, the Director of Budget Office failed to appear before the Senate Committee on Local and Foreign Debts to explain what happened to the allotted N25 billion in the 2006 budget meant for payment to local contractors. Instead, they sent their minions who were dismissed b the committee. Instances such as these are neither new nor infrequent. After all, former President Obasanjo conveniently found every excuse including anger and ennui, not to appear before a National Assembly panel probing the energy sector contracts during his regime. If former heads of state sworn to uphold the law can be so contemptuous of the law and its makers, why do we expect the common person – the so-called children of a lesser God – not to toe their line and example? All said these episodes speak to our weak institutions and our utter disregard for the rule of law.
OVERLOOKING CONFLICT OF INTEREST POLITICS
In the wake of the Ministry of Health unspent budgetary allocation scam, the Federal Government recently issued a circular through Mr. Babagana Kingibe, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, reaffirming the illegality of ministries and agencies purchasing vehicles for National Assembly members or granting loans to them for whatever purposes. Simply put such gratification amounts to a conflict of interest. Besides the impropriety of those in the legislative branch collecting money from the executive branch institutions, for which they have fiscal oversight, the legislature, as an independent arm of the government has its own budget. Furthermore, as comforting as it may seem for the Federal Government to announce as it did recently, that it had recovered some N300 billion in unspent 2007 capital budget for ministries, departments and agencies, the announcement still begs the question. First, it means that the accounting officers had ignored spending rules and financial codes and regulations. Second, beyond the current accounting officers being disdainful about the rule of law, what happened to the unspent capital budget expenditures between 1999 and 2007?
PRIVATIZATION POLITICS
New reports of controversies surrounding the privatization of publicly owned companies and enterprises suggest that all is not well with their handling. We know this much is; most were transferred into private domestic and foreign hands for pittances; read NICON Hilton Hotel, NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, NITEL, Ajaokuta Steel Mills, and the Port Harcourt and Kaduna Refineries (later rescinded). Only recently, the Federal Government agreed to an out of court settlement with Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim, over his acquisition of NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, when it was evident that Mr. Ibrahim had not meet his due diligence with regards to the new “recapitalization threshold” and settling all NICON’s legitimate claims and outstanding liabilities to its creditors. Finally, today, no one seems to care about the security implications of ours being a nation without a solid land-based telephony system. We all rely on the GSM, even though we do not control the transmitting and relay satellites. Yet, are leaders are comfortable and believe that a multiplicity of GSM network and carriers, some foreign, is critical national advancement. In their political etymology, it is progress. Our national development and self-improvement ethos has never been so ironic.
AS I SEE IT
There will always be a disjunction between playing politics and practicing real democracy. However, our leaders consistently outwit themselves with pretension, in assuming that they know what is best for us or that what is good for them is good for the nation. This is an endemic fallacy. Such politics of self-gratification is not the bedrock of any true democracy. Additionally, leading by precepts has never engendered optimism – not even the-glass-is-half-full type. Our nation, unfortunately, has been subjected such form of governance.
Perhaps, in accepting that our bane has been bad leadership, which willy-nilly translates to bad governance, we should look anew at how we train our leaders, their orientation and how they are selected. Finally, we must try to assess if our leaders truly understand their responsibility to us in a democracy; the system of government we have chosen. As Max de Pree observed, “The first responsibility of a leader is to define reality. The last to say thank you. In between the two, the leader must become a servant and a debtor.” Only when we find leaders who are indebted to us as the electing constituency, will we begin to make headway in our democracy. Until then, it will be the same rut of politics as usual or the usual politics, all in the name of democracy. For now, Nigeria’s governance is all about posturing and speaking the right political language.
With neither anger nor partiality, until next time, keep the law, stay impartial, and observe closely.
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La colocación y el retórico políticos minan la democracia de Nigeria
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
La colocación y el retórico políticos minan la democracia de Nigeria que
nuestros líderes son pretension en si se asume que saben cuál es el mejor para nosotros
o que cuál es bueno para él es bueno para la nación.
Esto es un error endémico.
Si hay un problema bedeviling la democracia naciente de Nigeria, es la creencia que la energía es más importante que gobierno. Con frecuencia, uno encuentra el discusión extrañamente crudo de la política, que el ímpetu subyacente no es la sustancia, solamente intereses marginales y partisanos. Está todo sobre politicking y ningún gobierno.
Repasaba ya el segundo bosquejo de este pedazo, cuando leí el artículo de Rueben Abati titulado, “cinco cosas a recordar el 29 de mayo” (el guarda, 18 de mayo de 2008). Fue encajado en el cuerpo de ese artículo, un subtítulo, “cómo la política Underdevelops Nigeria”, que coincidentemente, era el tema secundario de mi pedazo. Como agradando, como era saber que había la gente, que como mí, el fieltro que la colocación y el retórico políticos minaban democracia en Nigeria, no puedo demandar que éste es un caso de las grandes mentes que piensan igualmente. Algo, detecto que la coincidencia refleja la actualidad de la edición y la enormidad de la preocupación que debemos toda la sensación sobre cómo la política se utiliza para minar gobierno. Antes de que me mueva encendido, deseo indicar que concurro completamente con dos puntos hechos por Sr. Abati: La” política está prosperando en Nigeria, no democracia” y” cada iniciativa útil termina eventual para arriba como política.” Tales disposiciones son enorme peligrosas dadas la deriva así como la ilusión que representan.
En Nigeria y en todos los niveles, el mejor juego de la ciudad, el mejor cerca en una inversión y el ethos de apoyo de la vida y del bienestar diarios o carece de eso, de 160 millones de Nigerians, ebulliciones abajo a una palabra: política. De hecho, muchos funcionarios elegidos nigerianos se parecen confundir politicking y el partisanship para la dirección, apenas pues la asamblea nacional se parece creer eso que sonda cada acto de una mosca que perches en su nariz, compensará sus obligaciones legislativas y el abastecimiento de la dirección reguladora para la empresa pública y privada.
Uno no tiene que necesariamente convenir con o aceptar el gravamen extranjero a menudo self-serving del estado de Nigeria. Sin embargo, la realidad, que nuestros líderes se parecen al shirk y aborrecen, exige que lo hagamos tan de vez en cuando, especialmente, cuando tales opiniónes están en tándem con los de miembros del público atento nigeriano. The Financial Times observó recientemente que Nigeria está mandilando. Nada nuevo diría. Pero de nuestra democracia naciente, Yar económico más responsable de frágil' Adua y estilo, también opined, “si Nigeria es consolidar presidencia pasos hacia regla y optimismo del arnés al exterior sobre su futuro, él requerirá una dirección más firme de la tapa.”
Era altavoz de los E.E.U.U. de "TIP" O'Neill de Thomas de la casa, que proclamó una vez, “toda la política es local.” Él hizo tan en procurar explicar cómo dinámica política personal y local alrededor del país podría afectar positivamente o al contrario la eficacia de legisladores y por lo tanto, sus obligaciones legislativas. El paralelo nigeriano es el empleo o la explotación de la disposición personal de presidente Yar' Adua - su sutileza, comisión con la regla de la ley y del proceso debido, respecto de instituciones del estado y de la separación de energías, etc. - para los extremos personales o partisanos, ese interés colectivo del servicio de la gama no o avance una democracia verdadera.
Está quizás digno de explorar adjunto, cómo la política se está utilizando para minar el desarrollo nacional y el progreso. Hay evidentemente justificación para cada desventaja y una palabra; o como un amigo que volvió a poner recientemente a Nigeria lo había puesto, un “slogan actual en el orden público habla” para cada cosa - para cada excusa. Se obliga a mi fieltro del amigo que escriba a pedazo reflexivo tres meses después el suyo vuelve a Lagos veinte-algo el sojourn de los años al extranjero. La primera parte de sus observaciones era agudo muerta en la marca de las trampas de políticas contra democracia. Sus palabras:
Es algunos de los desafíos más pequeños y mucho más fácilmente identificables que se parecen eludir la visión, y es una de éstos que desee subrayar aquí: discipline y respete por la regla de la ley. Las mejores prescripciones económicas ascenderán preciosamente a poco si no creamos el ambiente que permite derecho en el cual pueden tomar la raíz. Un país donde hay poco o nada de respeto para la regla de la ley puede contar con solamente progreso limitado.
Nuestros líderes han traicionado uno de los principios de la base del federalismo jugando política con el commonweal. Qué tenemos, está gobernando el partido y el gobierno con objetivos incompatibles. Actualmente sin embargo en el papel y en principio seguimos siendo una democracia, Nigerians sentimos seriamente la ausencia de una huella fuerte de la dirección en nuestra democracia naciente. Sin embargo, las amplias expectativas de los líderes elegidos para realizar sus deberes estatutarios pueden apenas ser poco realistas. Mientras que como nación, nos no privan de la gente talentosa experimentada en materias del gobierno, es profundamente deplorable que presidente Yar' Adua expresó recientemente la preocupación por la falta de pensadores y de solvers estratégicos del problema dentro de su gabinete. Esto es de hecho deplorable. Está quizás digno de utilizar varias ediciones tópicas con impacto significativo en el interés nacional, de demostrar cómo jugamos el roulette con las ediciones nacionales vitales, que si está dirigido derecho, podría convertirse en la base de apoyo para la codificación de prácticas y de normas.
Presidente Yar' Adua es un hombre decente. Pero la decencia en política nigeriana se interpreta a menudo como debilidad. Esto puede explicar porqué la sutileza y la decencia del hombre superior se ha convertido en un forraje indirecto para los que enganchan a machinations extralegal dentro del gobierno. Hoy, los funcionarios que emplean lengua bureaucratese o engañosa, tal como “el presidente graciosamente han consentido a. ”,” fue hecha dentro de la regulación extant…” y” podíamos obtener la aprobación de anticipación del presidente…” entienda completamente que están explotando simplemente escapatorias. Por otra parte, tales funcionarios y tecnócratas elegidos entienden que las “palabras presidenciales pueden también definir la política trascendental”. Mientras que, el bien-significado y los funcionarios honestos utilizan tales disposiciones de promover órdenes e interés público, sus contrapartes menos honestas y menos sanguine, utilice tales oportunidades a otros aumentos personales y a ambiciones políticas.
Cualquier persona que entiende que una cosa o dos sobre las burocracias grandes sabe que el negocio del gobierno está apenas siempre, conducido oral. Para mantener el infame cheque, asegure la continuidad y la memoria institucional, tiene que haber un rastro de papel, incluso en esta era electrónica. Los burócratas lo llaman CYA - “cubra su asno.” Por lo tanto, solamente ésos con intento dudoso enganchan al regate del doublespeak, viéndolo a menudo como “política elegante”. Si no, cómo hace uno explique por ejemplo, la indiferencia completa del estatuto extant, en la cita de la señora. Farida Waziri como silla del EFCC, sin uniforme la cortesía de una nota consultiva del rama ejecutivo a la asamblea nacional. El excedente de la controversia que sobrevenía alegó irregularidades procesales en su nombramiento es absolutamente comprensible considerando que la reasignación de la silla anterior de EFCC, Nuhu Ribadu había sacado una controversia similar.
Asimismo, cuando el locutor Dimeji Bankole de la casa dijo recientemente que no había expediente consolidado de las ventas del aceite de Nigeria por los últimos cuarenta años, él nunca dijo que nunca existieron los expedientes. Si el público registra existido y se destruye posteriormente, no puede ser encontrado o intencional suprimido (ala el informe de Okigbo), después, alguien está jugando política sucia con la edición. Profesor Tam David-Oeste (uno de los pocos funcionarios nigerianos colocados altos condenados siempre para aceptar el soborno) excoriated Hon. Bankole. La pregunta es ésta: entre Hon. Bankole y profesor. David-Oeste, que está jugando política con los hechos. Como tarde senador Patrick Moynihan observado una vez, “aunque cada uno se da derecho a su propia opinión, no se dan derecho a sus propios hechos”.
Abati correcto en la observación de que en Nigeria, “cada iniciativa útil termina eventual para arriba como política.” Debemos pensar en todas las puntas de prueba y los informes públicos Nigeria de la investigación han comisionado desde la independencia que nunca consideró la luz del día. Iniciar una punta de prueba o comisionar un informe transporta la noción de la transparencia y assuage rellenos enfermos. Probablemente, ése es todo lo que se supone hacer. Sin embargo, un informe suprimido o unimplemented trae apenas el encierro deseado a una edición. Cuando el partido predominante trata los actos que autorizan investigaciones criminales o censura legislativa o las acusaciones como “asuntos de familia”, asciende a jugar política en nombre de democracia.
La administración de Nigeria es repleta con las pepitas históricas de las administraciones entrantes que son fijadas en las políticas de su régimen del precursor; no no necesariamente construir en ellos, pero desmontarlos y después modificar la misma política bajo nuevos nombres, nuevos contratos y nuevo gasto. De tarde, hemos sido testigos a una crecida de las revocaciones de la política. Mucha de estas políticas y los programas eran mucha vaunted por la administración de presidente Olusegun Obasanjo. La paradoja, sin embargo, es que ésas detrás de las revocaciones actuales de la política, eran también instrumentales a su siendo decretado por el gobierno anterior. ¿Qué él está parado para ganar o para perder? ¡Va la figura!
Las POLÍTICAS de la CRISIS del DELTA de NIGER
dejan nos llevar por ejemplo, la crisis del delta de Niger, una edición crítica el bienestar nacional y por lo tanto una que resuene extensamente. Los líderes políticos utilizan varias palabras para destacar su importancia, pero todo inútilmente cuando viene a tratar el desarrollo en las comunidades productoras de aceite, por lo tanto la actual crisis. El jaspe Adaka Boro de Isaac trajo las necesidades de las comunidades del delta de Niger a nuestro sentido nacional en los últimos años 60. , De sobre eso, a través de la creación de la Comisión mineral del desarrollo de las áreas del aceite que producía (OMPADEC) en 1989 y del establecimiento de la Comisión del desarrollo del delta de Niger (NDDC) en 2000, fregadero millones de Naira en la región, creados muchos multi-millionaires en el proceso, con todo, no hemos manejado las ediciones de la base -- el compartir del recurso y pozo ambiental de la degradación. Puestos simplemente, hemos jugado constantemente la política de la conveniencia con el delta de Niger. ¿Es una edición federal o del estado? Bien, es ambos, pero más importantemente, es una edición de la seguridad nacional con imperativos exigentes. Como Dan Amor conocido recientemente en un periódico nigeriano:
La criminalidad que entra encendido en el delta de Niger es el resultado de la hipocresía de las autoridades federales y las compañías petroleras multinacionales que piensan que pasar N200 mil millones diario en mantener presencia militar en la región es mejor que invirtiendo tal dinero en infraestructura, la educación, el entrenamiento y el empleo sociales de juventudes para tratar los agravios sociales y económicos que mienten en el corazón de la diapositiva el tomar actual del rehén y de la cámara lenta en la guerra de guerrillas en la región. Más bien que utilice las reservas enormes del gas en el delta de Niger como materia de base para conducir las centrales eléctricas, las industrias petroquímicas y las inversiones aliadas que darán vuelta a la región en Nigeria, powerhouse industrial de África nay del oeste. Ésta era la experiencia de Johannesburg (ciudad del oro) en Suráfrica que seguía el descubrimiento del oro allí. En lugar, nuestras reglas prefieren la manera obviamente unimaginative, perezosa y miope de esconder el rédito enorme del aceite en reservas extranjeras para accionar la economía de los países “G8”. ¡Una qué idiotez y vergüenza unpardonable!
Su politicization a pesar de que, el delta de Niger está sobre los que se sientan legítimo disenfranchised. El manejar mal de los agravios del delta de Niger ha dejado ciertamente animosidades más profundamente arraigadas en su estela.
El RÉDITO del ACEITE Y EXCESO de la aritmética CRUDA
de los fundamentos de la POLÍTICA es algo rectos y funciona encendido cuatro pilares cardinales: adición, substracción, división y multiplicación. Sin embargo, estos principios se parecen cambiar y asumir progresivamente diversas cortinas cuando viene al rédito del aceite de Nigeria y a explicarlo. Puesta simplemente, eso responsable, política del juego con el aceite calcula - la asignación y el rédito que se acrecienta.
En diversas horas, tengo en este espacio tocado en las maneras menos que transparentes que manejamos nuestros ingresos del aceite. También toqué en la cuestión crítica de la asignación doméstica del petróleo bruto del aceite excedente. La materia todavía está lejos de la resolución. También no veo que el energía-que-ser está en de todos modos inclinado a parar el jugar de política con nuestras políticas de aceite. Si no, cómo uno explica ciertas excusas de la política ofrecidas por los funcionarios nigerianos, excepto caracterizarlos como la “política generalmente.” Incluso la persiana sabe de la audiencia y el sordo de la lectura, de que ha sido edades desde que las refinerías domésticas en Nigeria producido refinaron productos en sus capacidades completas. Todavía, cada mes, el contingente completo de petróleo crudo se asigna a las refinerías basó sus encendido sus capacidades de refinación completas. Qué nadie dice es cómo y donde se dispone exceso del petróleo bruto sin refinar; y si no utilizado, donde se almacena.
Recientemente, cuando esta edición alzó su cabeza fea otra vez, el ministro del estado para las finanzas, Remi Babalola según los informes de los medios (el guarda, 24 Abr de 08) explicó la materia una manera esa izquierda el su aspar principal. Las palabras honorables de los ministros: "... los atrasos (subsidios de la gasolina) para enero al marzo de 2008 han sido sometidos por el PPPRA para procesar y serán financiados de misma exceso de la cuenta cruda que ha estado la práctica extant y a qué Sr. El presidente graciosamente ha consentido mientras que afecta todas las gradas del gobierno….“Esta explicación es un regate o fragua o ambas. El mundo se contenga, si éste no asciende a “robar a Peter a la paga Paul”, con el intento obvio para ofuscar políticas existentes. Si no hablábamos del petróleo crudo, sino del efectivo o del rédito de él, cuál el ministro referido, es en términos de la contabilidad, llamado “vitiation” y no podríamos suceder posiblemente sin la autorización de la autoridad de supervisión. ¿Así pues, dónde están los interventores federales en todo el esto?
Interesante, para cualquier persona que ha prestado la atención más escasa a esta materia, el funcionario cargó con la aplicación más amplia el rédito nacional de supervisión, Sr. Hamman Tukur, presidente de la movilización del rédito, de la asignación y del comité fiscal (RMAFC), ha denigrado de largo la práctica que ministra los intentos de Babalola para validar. En más de una ocasión, quizás con la ventaja de la retrospección con respecto al uso erróneo grueso de “dedicó cuentas” durante la era de Babangida y de Abacha, Sr. Tukur había condenado público la existencia de exceso de una cuenta cruda y en cada ocasión, caracterizada les como inconstitucional y una cubierta para sacar con sifón fondos de las cajas oficiales, fraude presunto del aka. Estatutario, Tukur y Babalola son consejeros a presidente Yar' Adua. Uno se pregunta quién tiene la mano superior en tales materias de la política. Bien, está todo sobre política.
La POLÍTICA SELECTIVA del PROCESO DEBIDO
cuando en 2007 que el escándalo del soborno de Siemens se rompió, desconcertó Nigeria canceló puntualmente todos los contratos existentes con Siemens y suspendió otras reparticiones con la compañía. En realidad, sin embargo, mientras que presidente y el ejecutivo ambos de Siemens el' pararon el excedente el escándalo alegado de Siemens que pagaba sobornos a los funcionarios nigerianos, y la compañía fue multado €201 millones y hecho para pagar €179 millones en impuestos traseros, nada sucedió en el extremo nigeriano. Además de medios divulga sobre la investigación de EFCC de algunos Nigerians altamente colocados, incluyendo cuatro ministros anteriores de las comunicaciones, a saber, Cornelius Adebayo, Haruna Elewi, Tajudeen Olanrewaju y Bello Muhammad tan bien como ha sucedido senador Jubril Aminu, que eran todas mencionadas según se informa como recipientes del soborno de Siemens, en los procedimientos de ensayo en una corte en Munich, Gernamy, zilch. In a country that practices real democracy that would not be the case and it would also not be the case in Nigeria, if politics did not subjugate democracy.
However, the greatest scandal of all is this: in the wake of the scandal, the ever-loquacious Attorney-General Michael Aondoakaa, proclaimed, “We are going to look at the case. As the Attorney-General of the Federation, I can tell you that it is not a matter that government will treat with levity.” He had even threatened to summon Mr. Joachim Schmillen, Germany’s ambassador to Nigeria to explain the scandal. Yet nothing further has been heard of the scandal despite the Attorney-General’s bluster. But then what is new? Look at the length of time it took EFCC to to take Senator Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello into custody, on allegation of being in possession of N10 million from the N300 million Ministry of Health’s unspent fund scam. While she was in hiding, certainly, people assisted her, which in any real democracy, amounts to obstruction of justice - an act that is equally a punishable offence.
AVOIDING JUDICIAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBPOENA POLITICS
When the Oputa Panel convened several years back, it invited Nigerians in their public and private capacities to come forth and testify. Because it was convenient for President Obasanjo or better still, since he was still aspiring to be like Nelson Mandela, he showed up. But his fellow and subordinate ex-general, notably Ibrahim Babangida did not. Nothing happened. Only this week, Minister of Finance, Shamsudeen Usman and Dr. Bright Okongwu, the Director of Budget Office failed to appear before the Senate Committee on Local and Foreign Debts to explain what happened to the allotted N25 billion in the 2006 budget meant for payment to local contractors. Instead, they sent their minions who were dismissed b the committee. Instances such as these are neither new nor infrequent. After all, former President Obasanjo conveniently found every excuse including anger and ennui, not to appear before a National Assembly panel probing the energy sector contracts during his regime. If former heads of state sworn to uphold the law can be so contemptuous of the law and its makers, why do we expect the common person – the so-called children of a lesser God – not to toe their line and example? All said these episodes speak to our weak institutions and our utter disregard for the rule of law.
OVERLOOKING CONFLICT OF INTEREST POLITICS
In the wake of the Ministry of Health unspent budgetary allocation scam, the Federal Government recently issued a circular through Mr. Babagana Kingibe, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, reaffirming the illegality of ministries and agencies purchasing vehicles for National Assembly members or granting loans to them for whatever purposes. Simply put such gratification amounts to a conflict of interest. Besides the impropriety of those in the legislative branch collecting money from the executive branch institutions, for which they have fiscal oversight, the legislature, as an independent arm of the government has its own budget. Furthermore, as comforting as it may seem for the Federal Government to announce as it did recently, that it had recovered some N300 billion in unspent 2007 capital budget for ministries, departments and agencies, the announcement still begs the question. First, it means that the accounting officers had ignored spending rules and financial codes and regulations. Second, beyond the current accounting officers being disdainful about the rule of law, what happened to the unspent capital budget expenditures between 1999 and 2007?
PRIVATIZATION POLITICS
New reports of controversies surrounding the privatization of publicly owned companies and enterprises suggest that all is not well with their handling. We know this much is; most were transferred into private domestic and foreign hands for pittances; read NICON Hilton Hotel, NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, NITEL, Ajaokuta Steel Mills, and the Port Harcourt and Kaduna Refineries (later rescinded). Only recently, the Federal Government agreed to an out of court settlement with Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim, over his acquisition of NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, when it was evident that Mr. Ibrahim had not meet his due diligence with regards to the new “recapitalization threshold” and settling all NICON’s legitimate claims and outstanding liabilities to its creditors. Finally, today, no one seems to care about the security implications of ours being a nation without a solid land-based telephony system. We all rely on the GSM, even though we do not control the transmitting and relay satellites. Yet, are leaders are comfortable and believe that a multiplicity of GSM network and carriers, some foreign, is critical national advancement. In their political etymology, it is progress. Our national development and self-improvement ethos has never been so ironic.
AS I SEE IT
There will always be a disjunction between playing politics and practicing real democracy. However, our leaders consistently outwit themselves with pretension, in assuming that they know what is best for us or that what is good for them is good for the nation. This is an endemic fallacy. Such politics of self-gratification is not the bedrock of any true democracy. Additionally, leading by precepts has never engendered optimism – not even the-glass-is-half-full type. Our nation, unfortunately, has been subjected such form of governance.
Perhaps, in accepting that our bane has been bad leadership, which willy-nilly translates to bad governance, we should look anew at how we train our leaders, their orientation and how they are selected. Finally, we must try to assess if our leaders truly understand their responsibility to us in a democracy; the system of government we have chosen. As Max de Pree observed, “The first responsibility of a leader is to define reality. The last to say thank you. In between the two, the leader must become a servant and a debtor.” Only when we find leaders who are indebted to us as the electing constituency, will we begin to make headway in our democracy. Until then, it will be the same rut of politics as usual or the usual politics, all in the name of democracy. For now, Nigeria’s governance is all about posturing and speaking the right political language.
With neither anger nor partiality, until next time, keep the law, stay impartial, and observe closely.
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Posizionare e la retorica politiche insidiano la democrazia della Nigeria
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
Posizionare e la retorica politiche insidiano la democrazia che della Nigeria
i nostri capi sono pretension nel supporre che conoscono che cosa è il la cosa migliore per noi
o che che cosa è buono per loro è buono per la nazione.
Ciò è un errore endemico.
Se ci è un problema che bedeviling la democrazia nascente della Nigeria, è la credenza che l'alimentazione è più importante del controllo. Frequentemente, si incontra il dibattito outlandishly grezzo di politica, che lo slancio di fondo non è la sostanza, ma gli interessi marginali e partigiani. È interamente circa politicking e nessun controllo.
Già stavo rivedendo la seconda brutta copia di questa parte, quando ho letto l'articolo di Rueben Abati nominato, “cinque cose da ricordarmi di il 29 maggio„ (il guardiano, 18 maggio 2008). È stato incluso nel corpo di quell'articolo, un sottotitolo, “come politica Underdevelops Nigeria„, che per coincidenza, era il tema secondario della mia parte. Come compiacendomi, poichè era di sapere che ci era la gente, che come me, feltro che posizionare e la retorica politiche stavano insidiando la democrazia in Nigeria, non posso sostenere che questo è un caso delle menti grandi che pensano egualmente. Piuttosto, percepisco che la coincidenza riflette l'attualità dell'edizione e l'enormità di preoccupazione che dovremmo tutto il tatto circa come la politica è usata per insidiare il controllo. Prima che passi, desidero dichiarare che concordo completamente con due punti fatti dal sig. Abati: „ La politica sta prosperando in Nigeria, non democrazia„ e„ ogni iniziativa utile finalmente si conclude in su come politica.„ Tali disposizioni sono enorme pericoloso date la direzione così come l'illusione che rappresentano.
In Nigeria ed a tutti i livelli, il gioco migliore in città, la barriera migliore su un investimento ed il ethos di sostegno della vita e del benessere giornalieri o difettano di ciò, di 160 milione Nigerians, dei boils giù ad una parola: politica. Effettivamente, molti funzionari scelti nigeriani sembrano sbagliarsi politicking ed il partisanship per direzione, appena poichè l'Assemblea nazionale sembra credere quella che sonda ogni atto di un mosca che perches sul loro naso, compenserà per i loro obblighi legislativi e fornire il consiglio regolatore per l'impresa pubblica e riservata.
Uno necessariamente non deve accosentiree con o accettare la valutazione straniera sovente self-serving del dichiarare della Nigeria. Tuttavia, la realtà, che i nostri capi sembrano a shirk ed abhor, richiede che così occasionalmente, in particolare, quando tali viste sono in tandem con quelle dei membri del pubblico attento nigeriano. The Financial Times ha osservato recentemente che la Nigeria sta andando alla deriva. Niente di nuovo direi. Ma della nostri democrazia nascente, Yar economico più responsabile di fragile' Adua e stile, inoltre opined, “se la Nigeria è di consolidare presidenza i punti verso la regola e l'ottimismo del cablaggio all'estero circa il relativo futuro, esso richiederà il senso più costante dalla parte superiore.„
Era altoparlante degli Stati Uniti di "TIP" O'Neill del Thomas della Camera, che ha affermato una volta, “tutta la politica è locale.„ Ha fatto così nel tentare di spiegare come dynamics politico personale e locale intorno al paese potrebbe interessare positivamente o avversamente l'efficacia dei legislatori e quindi, i loro obblighi legislativi. Il parallelo nigeriano è l'occupazione o lo sfruttamento della disposizione personale del presidente Yar' Adua - la sua delicatezza, l'impegno alla norma di legge ed il processo dovuto, rispetto delle istituzioni di dichiarano e la separazione delle alimentazioni, ecc. - per le estremità personali o partigiane, quell'interesse collettivo di serv della daina non o avanzi una democrazia allineare.
È forse degno esplorare qui, come la politica sta usanda per insidiare lo sviluppo nazionale ed il progresso. Evidentemente ci è giustificazione per ogni svantaggio e una parola; o mentre un amico che recentemente ha riassegnato in Nigeria la aveva messa, “uno slogan corrente nella politica pubblica parla„ per ogni cosa - per ogni giustificazione. Il mio feltro dell'amico coercitivo a scrivere ad una parte riflettente tre mesi dopo suo restituisce a Lagos da una venti-qualcosa il sojourn di anni all'estero. La prima parte delle sue osservazioni era acutamente guasto sul contrassegno dei trabocchetti delle politiche contro la democrazia. Le sue parole:
È molto più facilmente alcune di più piccole e sfide identificabili che sembrano eludere la visione ed è una di questi che desidero sottolineare qui: disciplini e rispetti per la norma di legge. Le prescrizioni economiche migliori ammonteranno assai a piccolo se non generiamo il giusto ambiente permettente in cui possano mettere radici. Un paese in cui ci è poco o nessun riguardo per la norma di legge può prevedere soltanto il progresso limitato.
I nostri capi hanno denunciato uno dei principii di nucleo di federalismo giocando la politica con il commonweal. Che cosa abbiamo, sta regolando il partito ed il governo con gli obiettivi incompatibili. Attualmente comunque su carta e in linea di principio rimaniamo una democrazia, Nigerians riteniamo severamente l'assenza di un'orma forte di direzione sulla nostra democrazia nascente. Tuttavia, le vaste aspettative dei capi scelti per realizzare le loro funzioni statutarie possono appena essere non realistiche. Mentre come nazione, non siamo privati della gente di talento con esperienza negli argomenti di controllo, è profondamente spiacevole che il presidente Yar' Adua recentemente ha espresso la preoccupazione circa la scarsità dei thinkers e dei solvers strategici di problema all'interno del suo armadietto. Ciò è effettivamente spiacevole. È forse degno utilizzare parecchie edizioni d'attualità con effetto significativo sull'interesse nazionale, mostrare come giochiamo il roulette con le edizioni nazionali vitali, che se maneggiato giustamente, potesse trasformarsi in nella base di sostegno per codificazione delle pratiche e delle norme.
Il presidente Yar' Adua è un uomo decent. Ma il decency nella politica nigeriana è interpretato spesso come debolezza. Ciò può spiegare perchè la delicatezza ed il decency dell'uomo superiore si è trasformata in in un foraggio indiretto per coloro che si aggancia nei machinations extralegal all'interno del governo. Oggi, i funzionari che impiegano la lingua bureaucratese o ingannevole, quale “il presidente graciously ha acconsentito a. „,„ è stata fatta all'interno della regolazione extant…„ e„ potevamo ottenere l'approvazione anticipata del presidente…„ capisca completamente che soltanto stanno sfruttando le scappatoie. Inoltre, tali funzionari e tecnocrati scelti capiscono che “le parole presidenziali possono anche definire la politica momentous„. Considerando che, il bene-significato ed i funzionari onesti usano tali disposizioni promuovere le politiche ed interesse pubblico, le loro controparti sanguine meno e più di meno oneste, usi tali occasioni ad ulteriori guadagni personali e ad ambizioni politiche.
Chiunque che capisca che una cosa o due circa le burocrazie grandi sappia che il commercio di governo è appena mai, condotto oralmente. Per mantenere il nefarious nel controllo, accerti la continuità e la memoria istituzionale, ci deve essere una traccia di carta, anche in questa era dell'elettronica. I burocrati lo denominano CYA - “copra la vostra Ass.„ quindi, solo quelli con l'intenzione dubbia si agganciano nell'espediente del doublespeak, vedente la spesso come “politica astuta„. Se non, come fa uno spieghi per esempio, la negligenza assoluta dello statuto extant, nella nomina della sig.ra. Farida Waziri come sedia del EFCC, senza persino cortesia di una nota consultiva dal ramo esecutivo all'Assemblea nazionale. L'eccedenza seguente di polemica ha dichiarato le irregolarità procedurali nella sua nomina è abbastanza comprensibile considerando che la nuova assegnazione della sedia precedente di EFCC, Nuhu Ribadu aveva tratto una polemica fuori simile.
Inoltre, quando recentemente l'altoparlante Dimeji Bankole della Camera ha detto che non ci era annotazione consolidata delle vendite dell'olio della Nigeria per i quaranta anni scorsi, non ha detto mai che le annotazioni non hanno esistito mai. Se il pubblico registra esistito e successivamente è distrutto, non può essere trovato o intenzionale soppresso (ala il rapporto di Okigbo), quindi, qualcuno sta giocando la politica sporca con l'edizione. Il prof. Tam David-Ovest (uno dei pochi alti funzionari nigeriani disposti condannati mai per accettare dono) excoriated Hon. Bankole. La domanda è questa: fra Hon. Bankole e prof. David-Ovest, che sta giocando la politica con i fatti. Come in ritardo senatore Patrick Moynihan osservato una volta, “anche se tutto è autorizzato al loro proprio parere, non sono autorizzati ai loro propri fatti„.
Abati era di destra nella nota che in Nigeria, “ogni iniziativa utile finalmente si conclude in su come politica.„ Dobbiamo pensare a tutte le sonde ed i rapporti pubblici Nigeria di inchiesta ha incaricato da indipendenza che non ha visto mai la luce del giorno. L'inizio della sonda o incaricare un rapporto trasporta la nozione dell'acetato ed assuage i materiali da otturazione malati. Presumibilmente, quello è tutto che sia supposto di fare. Tuttavia, un rapporto soppresso o unimplemented appena porta la chiusura voluta ad un'edizione. Quando il partito di regolamento tratta gli atti che garantiscono le indagini criminali o la censura legislativa o gli atti d'accusa come “affari di famiglia„, ammonta a giocare la politica in nome della democrazia.
La gestione della Nigeria è piena con le pepite storiche delle gestioni ricevute che sono fissate sulle politiche del loro regime del predecessore; non necessariamente costruire su loro, ma smantellarli ed allora rimaneggiare stessa politica sotto i nuovi nomi, i nuovi contratti e nuovo dispendio. Di in ritardo, siamo stati testimoni ad un flusso delle inversioni di politica. Molta di queste politiche ed i programmi erano molta vaunted tramite la gestione del presidente Olusegun Obasanjo. Il paradosso, tuttavia, è che quelli dietro le inversioni correnti di politica, erano inoltre strumentali al loro che sono promulgate dal governo precedente. Che cosa si levano in piedi per guadagnare o perdere? Va la figura!
LE POLITICHE di CRISI di DELTA del NIGER
lasciano noi prendere per esempio, la crisi di delta del Niger, un'edizione critica a benessere nazionale e quindi una che risuona ampiamente. I capi politici usano le varie parole per evidenziare la relativa importanza, ma tutto l'inutilmente quando viene a richiamare lo sviluppo nelle Comunità da olio, quindi la crisi attuale. Il diaspro Adaka Boro del Isaac ha portato i bisogni delle Comunità di delta del Niger alla nostra coscienza nazionale verso la fine degli anni 60. , Da su ciò, attraverso la creazione della Commissione producente minerale di sviluppo di zone dell'olio (OMPADEC) in 1989 e dell'istituzione della Commissione di sviluppo di delta del Niger (NDDC) in 2000, dispersore milioni di Naira nella regione, generati molti multi-millionaires nel processo, tuttavia, non abbiamo controllato le edizioni di nucleo -- compartecipazione delle risorse e pozzo ambientale di degradazione. Messi semplicemente, abbiamo giocato costantemente la politica di convenienza con il delta del Niger. È un federale o dichiara l'edizione? Bene, è entrambi, ma più d'importanza, è un problema di sicurezza nazionale con gli imperativi esigenti. Come Dan Amor recentemente celebre in un giornale nigeriano:
Il criminality che continua nel delta del Niger è il risultato dell'ipocrisia delle autorità federali e le compagnie petrolifere multinazionali che ritengono che spendere N200 miliardo quotidiano sull'effettuare la presenza militare nella regione sia migliore dell'investendo tali soldi nell'infrastruttura, nell'istruzione, nella formazione e nell'occupazione sociali delle gioventù per richiamare le rimostranze sociali ed economiche che si trovano al cuore dello scorrevole di presa corrente dell'ostaggio e di movimento lento in guerra del guerrigliero nella regione. Piuttosto che usi le riserve enormi del gas nel delta del Niger come materiale di base per guidare le centrali elettriche, le industrie petrochimiche e gli investimenti alleati che trasformeranno nella regione la Nigeria, centrale elettrica industriale dell'Africa nay ad ovest. Ciò era l'esperienza in Johannesburg (città dell'oro) in Sudafrica che segue la scoperta di oro là. Invece, i nostri righelli preferiscono il senso ovviamente unimaginative, pigro e miope di stashing il reddito enorme dell'olio nelle riserve straniere per alimentare l'economia dei paesi “G8„. Un ché idiocy e vergogna unpardonable!
Il relativo politicization benchè, il delta del Niger sia circa coloro che ritiene legittimamente disenfranchised. Il maltrattamento delle rimostranze di delta del Niger certamente ha lasciato le animosità più profonde nel relativo risveglio.
IL REDDITO dell'OLIO E l'aritmetica GREZZA ECCEDENTE
di principi fondamentali di POLITICA è piuttosto diritti e funziona sopra quattro colonne cardinale: aggiunta, sottrazione, divisione e moltiplicazione. Tuttavia, questi principii sembrano cambiare e presupporre progressivamente le tonalità differenti quando viene al reddito dell'olio della Nigeria ed a rappresentarlo. Messo semplicemente, quel in carica, politica del gioco con l'olio calcola - sia l'assegnazione che il reddito accrescentesi.
Ai tempi differenti, ho in questo spazio toccato sui sensi che meno trasparenti maneggiamo i nostri ricavati dell'olio. Inoltre ho toccato sulla domanda critica della ripartizione domestica del grezzo dell'eccedenza d'olio. La materia è ancora lontano dalla risoluzione. Inoltre non vedo che l'alimentazione-che-essere è comunque in propenso da smettere di giocare la politica con le nostre politica del petrolio. Se non, come si spiega determinate giustificazioni di politica offerte dai funzionari nigeriani, tranne caratterizzarli come “la politica usuale.„ Anche i ciechi sanno dall'udienza ed il sordo da lettura, quello è stato età da quando le raffinerie domestiche in Nigeria hanno prodotto i prodotti raffinati alla loro capienza completa. Tuttavia, ogni mese, la quota completa di petrolio greggio è assegnata alle raffinerie ha basato la loro sopra loro capienza di raffinamento completa. Che cosa nessuno dice è come e dove il grezzo non raffinato eccedente è disposto di; e se non usato, dove è immagazzinato.
Recentemente, quando questa edizione ha elevato ancora la relativa testa ugly, il ministro di dichiara per la finanza, Remi Babalola secondo i mezzi che i rapporti (il guardiano, 24 apr. 08) hanno spiegato la materia un senso quella parte di sinistra suo annaspare capo. Le parole onorate dei ministri: "... gli arretrati (sovvenzioni della benzina) per gennaio al marzo 2008 sono stati presentati dal PPPRA per l'elaborazione e saranno costituiti un fondo per dallo stesso cliente grezzo eccedente di è stata la pratica extant ed al quale sig. Il presidente graciously ha acconsentito mentre interessa tutte le file del governo….“Questa spiegazione è un espediente o una forgia o entrambe. Il mondo è arginato, se questo non ammonta “a rubare Peter a paga Paul„, con l'intenzione evidente per confondere le politiche attuali. Se non stessimo parlandogli del petrolio greggio, ma dei contanti o del reddito, che cosa il ministro citato, è nei termini di contabilità, chiamato “vitiation„ e non potessimo possibilmente accadere senza autorizzazione dall'autorità di sorveglianza. Così, dove sono i revisori dei conti federali in tutto questo?
Interessante, per chiunque che avesse prestato l'attenzione più scarsa a questa materia, il funzionario si è caricato di più vasta emissione di reddito nazionale di sorveglianza, il sig. Hamman Tukur, presidente della mobilizzazione del reddito, della ripartizione e del comitato fiscale (RMAFC), lungamente ha denigrato la pratica che assiste le prove di Babalola per convalidare. In più di un'occasione, forse con il beneficio di giudizio retrospettivo per quanto riguarda l'abuso lordo di “ha dedicato i clienti„ durante l'era di Abacha e di Babangida, il sig. Tukur aveva condannato pubblicamente l'esistenza di un cliente grezzo eccedente ed in ogni occasione, caratterizzata loro come inconstituzionale e una copertura per il sifonamento dei fondi monetari con un sifone dai cofani ufficiali, frode presuntiva di aka. Statutario, sia Tukur che Babalola sono consiglieri al presidente Yar' Adua. Si si domanda chi ha la mano superiore su tali argomenti di politica. Bene, è interamente circa la politica.
LA POLITICA SELETTIVA di PROCESSO DOVUTO
quando in 2007 che lo scandalo del dono della Siemens si è rotto, ha imbarazzato la Nigeria subito ha annullato tutti i contratti attuali con Siemens ed ha sospeso ulteriori rapporti d'affari con l'azienda. In realtà, tuttavia, mentre il presidente della Siemens' e l'esecutivo principale entrambi eccedenza rinunciata lo scandalo presunto di Siemens che paga i doni ai funzionari nigeriani e l'azienda sono stati multati €201 milione e sono stati incitati per pagare €179 milioni nelle tasse posteriori, niente è accaduto all'estremità nigeriana. Oltre ai mezzi segnala circa indagine di EFCC su alcuni Nigerians altamente disposti, compreso quattro ex ministri delle comunicazioni, vale a dire, Cornelius Adebayo, Haruna Elewi, Tajudeen Olanrewaju e Bello Muhammad come pure il senatore Jubril Aminu, che erano tutte secondo come riferito accennate come destinatari del dono della Siemens, negli atti di prova in una corte a Monaco di Baviera, Gernamy, zilch è accaduto. In a country that practices real democracy that would not be the case and it would also not be the case in Nigeria, if politics did not subjugate democracy.
However, the greatest scandal of all is this: in the wake of the scandal, the ever-loquacious Attorney-General Michael Aondoakaa, proclaimed, “We are going to look at the case. As the Attorney-General of the Federation, I can tell you that it is not a matter that government will treat with levity.” He had even threatened to summon Mr. Joachim Schmillen, Germany’s ambassador to Nigeria to explain the scandal. Yet nothing further has been heard of the scandal despite the Attorney-General’s bluster. But then what is new? Look at the length of time it took EFCC to to take Senator Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello into custody, on allegation of being in possession of N10 million from the N300 million Ministry of Health’s unspent fund scam. While she was in hiding, certainly, people assisted her, which in any real democracy, amounts to obstruction of justice - an act that is equally a punishable offence.
AVOIDING JUDICIAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBPOENA POLITICS
When the Oputa Panel convened several years back, it invited Nigerians in their public and private capacities to come forth and testify. Because it was convenient for President Obasanjo or better still, since he was still aspiring to be like Nelson Mandela, he showed up. But his fellow and subordinate ex-general, notably Ibrahim Babangida did not. Nothing happened. Only this week, Minister of Finance, Shamsudeen Usman and Dr. Bright Okongwu, the Director of Budget Office failed to appear before the Senate Committee on Local and Foreign Debts to explain what happened to the allotted N25 billion in the 2006 budget meant for payment to local contractors. Instead, they sent their minions who were dismissed b the committee. Instances such as these are neither new nor infrequent. After all, former President Obasanjo conveniently found every excuse including anger and ennui, not to appear before a National Assembly panel probing the energy sector contracts during his regime. If former heads of state sworn to uphold the law can be so contemptuous of the law and its makers, why do we expect the common person – the so-called children of a lesser God – not to toe their line and example? All said these episodes speak to our weak institutions and our utter disregard for the rule of law.
OVERLOOKING CONFLICT OF INTEREST POLITICS
In the wake of the Ministry of Health unspent budgetary allocation scam, the Federal Government recently issued a circular through Mr. Babagana Kingibe, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, reaffirming the illegality of ministries and agencies purchasing vehicles for National Assembly members or granting loans to them for whatever purposes. Simply put such gratification amounts to a conflict of interest. Besides the impropriety of those in the legislative branch collecting money from the executive branch institutions, for which they have fiscal oversight, the legislature, as an independent arm of the government has its own budget. Furthermore, as comforting as it may seem for the Federal Government to announce as it did recently, that it had recovered some N300 billion in unspent 2007 capital budget for ministries, departments and agencies, the announcement still begs the question. First, it means that the accounting officers had ignored spending rules and financial codes and regulations. Second, beyond the current accounting officers being disdainful about the rule of law, what happened to the unspent capital budget expenditures between 1999 and 2007?
PRIVATIZATION POLITICS
New reports of controversies surrounding the privatization of publicly owned companies and enterprises suggest that all is not well with their handling. We know this much is; most were transferred into private domestic and foreign hands for pittances; read NICON Hilton Hotel, NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, NITEL, Ajaokuta Steel Mills, and the Port Harcourt and Kaduna Refineries (later rescinded). Only recently, the Federal Government agreed to an out of court settlement with Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim, over his acquisition of NICON Insurance and Nigeria Re-Insurance, when it was evident that Mr. Ibrahim had not meet his due diligence with regards to the new “recapitalization threshold” and settling all NICON’s legitimate claims and outstanding liabilities to its creditors. Finally, today, no one seems to care about the security implications of ours being a nation without a solid land-based telephony system. We all rely on the GSM, even though we do not control the transmitting and relay satellites. Yet, are leaders are comfortable and believe that a multiplicity of GSM network and carriers, some foreign, is critical national advancement. In their political etymology, it is progress. Our national development and self-improvement ethos has never been so ironic.
AS I SEE IT
There will always be a disjunction between playing politics and practicing real democracy. However, our leaders consistently outwit themselves with pretension, in assuming that they know what is best for us or that what is good for them is good for the nation. This is an endemic fallacy. Such politics of self-gratification is not the bedrock of any true democracy. Additionally, leading by precepts has never engendered optimism – not even the-glass-is-half-full type. Our nation, unfortunately, has been subjected such form of governance.
Perhaps, in accepting that our bane has been bad leadership, which willy-nilly translates to bad governance, we should look anew at how we train our leaders, their orientation and how they are selected. Finally, we must try to assess if our leaders truly understand their responsibility to us in a democracy; the system of government we have chosen. As Max de Pree observed, “The first responsibility of a leader is to define reality. The last to say thank you. In between the two, the leader must become a servant and a debtor.” Only when we find leaders who are indebted to us as the electing constituency, will we begin to make headway in our democracy. Until then, it will be the same rut of politics as usual or the usual politics, all in the name of democracy. For now, Nigeria’s governance is all about posturing and speaking the right political language.
With neither anger nor partiality, until next time, keep the law, stay impartial, and observe closely.
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Die politische Positionierung und die Rhetorik untergraben Demokratie Nigerias
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
Die politische Positionierung und die Rhetorik untergraben Demokratie Nigerias, die
unsere Führer Anspruch sind, wenn sie annehmen, daß sie wissen, was für uns am besten ist,
oder daß, was für sie gut ist, für die Nation gut ist.
Dieses ist ein endemischer Irrtum.
Wenn es ein Problem gibt, das Nigerias werdende Demokratie bedeviling ist, ist es der Glaube, daß Energie wichtiger als Regierungsgewalt ist. Häufig trifft man sonderbar grobe Politikdebatte, die der zugrundeliegende Antrieb nicht die Substanz ist, aber die begrenzten und parteigängerischen Interessen an. Es ist ganz über das Politicking und keine Regierungsgewalt.
Ich wiederholte bereits den zweiten Entwurf dieses Stückes, als ich den betitelten Rueben Abatis Artikel las, „fünf Sachen, zum sich am 29. Mai zu erinnern“ (der Wächter, 18. Mai 2008). Im Körper dieses Artikels, gebettet ein Untertitel, „ein, wie Politik Underdevelops Nigeria“, die übereinstimmend, das Vorthema meines Stückes war. Wie zufriedenstellend, da es, zu wissen war, daß es die Leute gab, die wie ich, Filz, dem die politische Positionierung und die Rhetorik Demokratie in Nigeria untergruben, kann ich nicht behaupten, daß dieses ein Fall großen Verstandes ist, der gleich denkt. Eher frage ich ab, daß die übereinstimmung die Aktualität der Ausgabe und die Ungeheuerlichkeit des Interesses reflektiert, die wir alles fühlen sollten über, wie Politik verwendet wird, um Regierungsgewalt zu untergraben. Bevor ich an umziehe, möchte ich angeben, daß ich völlig mit zwei Punkten übereinstimme, die vom Herrn gebildet werden. Abati: “ Politik kommt in Nigeria, nicht Demokratie“ vorwärts und“ jede nützliche Initiative beendet schließlich oben als Politik.“ Solche Einteilungen sind den Antrieb sowie die Illusion gegeben sehr groß gefährliches, die sie darstellen.
In Nigeria und auf allen Niveaus, ermangeln das beste Spiel in der Stadt, die beste Hecke auf einer Investition und die untermauernde Gesinnung des täglichen Lebens und des Wohls oder davon, an 160 Million Nigerianern, Blutgeschwüre unten zu einem Wort: Politik. In der Tat scheinen viele nigerische gewählte Beamte, das Politicking zu verwechseln und Parteilichkeit für Führung, gerade da die Nationalversammlung scheint, der zu glauben, die jede Tat einer Fliege prüft, die auf ihrer Nase hockt, gleicht ihre gesetzgebenden Verpflichtungen und das Zur Verfügung stellen der regelnden Anleitung für allgemeines und Privatunternehmen aus.
Ein nicht notwendigerweise muß mit übereinstimmen oder die oftmals self-serving fremde Einschätzung des Zustandes von Nigeria annehmen. Jedoch verlangt die Wirklichkeit, die unsere Führer shirk scheinen und verabscheuen, daß wir so gelegentlich besonders wenn solche Ansichten im Tandem mit denen der Mitglieder der nigerischen aufmerksamen öffentlichkeit sind. Die Financial Times beobachtete vor kurzem, daß Nigeria treibt. Nichts neues würde ich sagen. Aber von unserer werdenden Demokratie, Yar' Aduas Vorsitz und von Art, meinte es auch, „, wenn Nigeria, zerbrechliches Schritte in Richtung verantwortlicheres zur Richtlinie und zum Kabelstrangoptimismus über seine ökonomisches Zukunft auswärts zu vereinigen ist, es erfordert festere Richtung von der Oberseite.“
Es war US Lautsprecher Haus-Thomas "TIP" O'Neill, das einmal proklamierte, „alle Politik ist lokal.“ Er tat so beim Versuchen, zu erklären, wie persönliche und lokale politische Dynamik um das Land könnte die Wirksamkeit der Gesetzgeber positiv oder nachteilig beeinflussen und folglich, ihre gesetzgebenden Verpflichtungen. Die nigerische ähnlichkeit ist die Beschäftigung oder die Ausnutzung der persönlichen Einteilung des Präsidenten Yar' Adua - seine Feinheit, Verpflichtung gegenüber dem Rechtsgrundsatz und passenden Prozeß, Respekt der Anstalten des Zustandes und der Trennung von Energien, etc. - für die persönlichen oder parteigängerischen Enden, dieses Damhirschkuh nicht Servekollektivinteresse oder rücken Sie eine zutreffende Demokratie vor.
Es ist möglicherweise wert hierin erforschen, wie Politik verwendet wird, um nationale Entwicklung und Fortschritt zu untergraben. Offenbar gibt es Rechtfertigung für jede Beeinträchtigung und ein Wort; oder während ein Freund, der vor kurzem nach Nigeria verlagerte, es gesetzt hatte, spricht ein „gegenwärtiger Slogan in der allgemeinen Politik“ für jede Sache - für jede Entschuldigung. Mein Freundfilz, der gezwungen wird, einem reflektierenden Stück drei Monate nach seinem zu schreiben, bringen nach Lagos von Zwanzig-etwas Jahre sojourn auswärts zurück. Das erste Teil seiner Beobachtungen war auf der Markierung der Gefahren von Politiken gegen Demokratie akut tot. Seine Wörter:
Es ist einige der kleineren und viel leicht identifizierbaren Herausforderungen, die scheinen, dem Anblick auszuweichen, und er ist einer von diesen, die ich hier unterstreichen möchte: disziplinieren Sie und respektieren Sie für den Rechtsgrundsatz. Die besten ökonomischen Verordnungen betragen reichlich wenig, wenn wir nicht das rechte ermöglichende Klima verursachen, in dem sie Wurzel nehmen können. Ein Land, in dem es wenig oder keinen Respekt für den Rechtsgrundsatz gibt, kann begrenzten Fortschritt nur erwarten.
Unsere Führer haben eine der Kerngrundregeln von Federalism verraten, indem sie Politik mit dem Commonweal spielten. Was wir haben, ordnet Partei und Regierung mit inkompatiblen Zielsetzungen an. Momentan zwar auf Papier und prinzipiell bleiben wir eine Demokratie, Nigerianer glauben streng dem Fehlen einem starken Führungabdruck auf unserer werdenden Demokratie. Dennoch können ausgedehnte Erwartungen der gewählten Führer, zum ihrer gesetzlichen Aufgaben durchzuführen unrealistisch kaum sein. Während als Nation, werden wir nicht von den begabten Leuten beraubt, die in den Regierungsgewaltangelegenheiten erfahren werden, ist es tief bedauerlich, daß Präsident Yar' Adua vor kurzem Interesse über die geringe Menge der strategischen Denker und der Problemlöser innerhalb seines Schrankes ausdrückte. Dieses ist in der Tat bedauerlich. Es ist möglicherweise wert das Verwenden einiger aktueller Ausgaben mit bedeutender Auswirkung auf das Staatsinteresse, zu zeigen, wie wir das roulette mit lebenswichtigen Inlandsemissionen spielen, die, wenn Sie mit Recht angefaßt werden, könnte die untermauernde Grundlage für Kodifizierung von Praxis und von Normen werden.
Präsident Yar' Adua ist ein annehmbarer Mann. Aber Anstand in der nigerischen Politik wird häufig als Schwäche gedeutet. Dieses kann erklären, warum Feinheit und Anstand des oberen Mannes ein indirektes Futter für die geworden ist, die in den extralegal Intrigen innerhalb der Regierung sich engagieren. Heute hat allgemeine Beamte, die bureaucratese oder irreführende Sprache einsetzen, wie der „Präsident liebenswürdig zu. zugestimmt. “,“ wurde sie getan innerhalb der extant Regelung…“ und“ wir waren in der Lage, die vorwegnehmende Zustimmung des Präsidenten zu erreichen…“ verstehen Sie völlig, daß sie bloß Schlitze ausnutzen. Außerdem verstehen solche gewählte Beamte und Technokraten, daß „Präsidentenwörter bedeutsame Politik auch definieren können“. Während, Gutbedeutung und ehrliche allgemeine Beamte solche Einteilungen verwenden, allgemeine Politik und Interesse, ihre weniger ehrlichen und weniger heiteren Gegenstücke zu fördern, verwenden Sie solche Gelegenheiten zu den weiteren persönlichen Gewinnen und zum politischen Ehrgeiz.
Jedermann, das versteht, daß eine Sache oder zwei über grosse Bürokratien weiß, daß Regierung Geschäft kaum überhaupt ist, mündlich geleitet. Um das schändliche in der überprüfung zu halten, stellen Sie Durchgang und Institutionsgedächtnis sicher, muß es eine Papierspur, sogar in diesem Zeitalter der Elektronik geben. Bürokraten nennen es CYA - „bedecken Sie Ihre Ass.“ folglich, nur die mit zweifelhafter Absicht im doublespeak raschen Ausweichen sich engagieren und häufig sehen sie als „intelligente Politik“. Wenn nicht, wie ein tut, erklären Sie zum Beispiel, die äußertemißachtung des extant Gesetzes, in der Verabredung von Mrs. Farida Waziri als Stuhl des EFCC, ohne gleichmäßiges die Höflichkeit einer beratenden Anmerkung von der Exekutive zur Nationalversammlung. Der folgende Kontroverseüberschuß behauptete Verfahrensunregelmäßigkeiten in ihrer Nennung ist ziemlich verständlich, betrachtend, daß die erneute Zuweisung des ehemaligen EFCC Stuhls, Nuhu Ribadus eine ähnliche Kontroverse herausbekommen hatte.
Ebenso als vor kurzem Haus-Sprecher Dimeji Bankole sagte, daß es keine vereinigte Aufzeichnung der ölverkäufe Nigerias für die letzten vierzig Jahre gab, sagte er nie, daß die Aufzeichnungen nie bestanden. Wenn öffentlichkeit bestanden notiert und nachher zerstört wird, kann nicht gefunden werden, oder absichtliches (Ala der Okigbo Report) dann jemand unterdrückt worden spielt schmutzige Politik mit der Ausgabe. Prof Tam David-Westen (einer der wenigen hohen gesetzten nigerischen Beamten überhaupt überführt für das Annehmen des Bestechungsgeldes) mißbilligte Hon. Bankole. Die Frage ist diese: zwischen Hon. Bankole und Prof. David-Westen, der Politik mit den Tatsachen spielt. Als spät Senator Patrick einmal beobachteter Moynihan, „, obgleich jeder zu ihrer eigenen Meinung erlaubt wird, werden sie nicht zu ihren eigenen Tatsachen erlaubt“.
Abati war recht, wenn man merkte, daß in Nigeria, „jede nützliche Initiative beendet schließlich oben als Politik.“ Wir müssen an alle Prüfspitzen denken und allgemeine Anfrage Reports Nigeria hat seit Unabhängigkeit beauftragt, die nie das Licht des Tages sah. Das Einleiten einer Prüfspitze oder die Beauftragung eines Reports übermittelt den Begriff des Transparentes und lindert kranke Füllungen. Vermutlich ist das alles, das es tun soll. Jedoch holt ein unterdrückter oder unimplemented Report kaum das gewünschte Schliessen zu einer Ausgabe. Wenn die regierende Partei die Taten behandelt, die kriminelle Untersuchungen oder gesetzgebende Kritik gewährleisten oder die Anklagen als „Familienangelegenheiten“, beträgt sie das Spielen von Politik im Namen der Demokratie.
Die Leitung von Nigeria ist mit historischen Nuggets der ankommenden Leitungen vollgestopft, die auf den politischen Richtlinien ihres Vorgängerregimes fixiert werden; nicht notwendigerweise auf ihnen errichten, aber sie abbauen und die gleiche Politik unter neuen Namen, die neuen Verträge und neue Aufwendung dann umgestalten. Von spät sind wir Zeugen zu einer überflutung der Politikumlenkungen gewesen. Viel dieser politischen Richtlinien und Programme waren viel vaunted durch Präsident Olusegun Obasanjos Leitung. Das Paradox ist jedoch, daß die hinter den gegenwärtigen Politikumlenkungen, auch zu ihrem, die durch die vorhergehende Regierung verordnet wurden instrumentell waren. Was stehen sie, um zu gewinnen oder zu verlieren? Gehen Abbildung!
NIGER DREIECKSkrise POLITIKEN
lassen uns, die Niger Dreieckskrise, eine Ausgabe, die zum nationalen Wohl zum Beispiel nehmen kritisch sind und folglich eine, die weit mitschwingt. Politische Führer verwenden verschiedene Wörter, um seinen Wert ganz vergebens hervorzuheben, aber, wenn er zum Adressieren der Entwicklung im öl kommt - Gemeinschaften, folglich die anwesende Krise produzierend. Isaac Jaspis Adaka Boro holte die Notwendigkeiten der Niger Dreiecksgemeinschaften zu unserem nationalen Bewußtsein Ende der sechziger Jahre. , Von darauf, durch die Kreation der öl-produzierenden Bereiche Entwicklung Mineralkommission (OMPADEC) 1989 und der Einrichtung der Niger Dreiecksentwicklung Kommission (NDDC) 2000, Wanne wir die Millionen von Naira in die Region, verursacht vielen Multimillionären im Prozeß, noch, haben wir nicht die Kernausgaben gehandhabt -- Hilfsmittelteilen und Klimaverminderung Brunnen. Einfach gesetzt, haben wir durchweg Politik der Bequemlichkeit mit dem Niger Dreieck gespielt. Ist es eine Bundes- oder Zustandausgabe? Gut ist es beide, aber wichtiger, ist es eine Staatssicherheit Ausgabe mit fordernden Befehlen. Als Dan Amor vor kurzem gemerkt in einer nigerischen Zeitung:
Die Kriminalität, die an in das Niger Dreieck geht, ist das Resultat der Hypokrisie der Bundesbehörden und die multinationalen ölfirmen, die denken, daß, N200 Milliarde, das auf dem Beibehalten der militärischen Anwesenheit in der Region aufzuwenden täglich ist, besser als ist, solches Geld in der Sozialinfrastruktur, in der Ausbildung, im Training und in der Beschäftigung von Jugend investierend, um die Sozial- und ökonomischen Beschwerden zu adressieren, die am Herzen des gegenwärtiges Geiselnehmen und langsame Bewegung Dias in Bandenkämpferkriegsführung in der Region liegen. Anstatt benutzen Sie die sehr großen Gasreserven im Niger Dreieck während Viehbestände, um Kraftwerke, petrochemische Industrien und verbündete Investitionen, die die Region zu Nigerias, machen nein Westafrikas industrielles Elektrizitätskraftwerk zu fahren. Dieses war die Erfahrung von Johannesburg (Goldstadt) in Südafrika, das dort der Entdeckung des Goldes folgt. Stattdessen bevorzugen unsere Lehren die offensichtlich unimaginative, faule und kurzsichtige Weise des Beiseite schaffens des sehr großen öleinkommens in den fremden Reserven, um die Wirtschaft der Länder „G8“ anzutreiben. Ein was für unpardonable Blödsinn und eine Schande!
Seine Politisierung, ungeachtet, Niger Dreieck über die ist, die gesetzmaßig entrechtet glauben. Die Mißhandlung der Niger Dreiecksbeschwerden hat zweifellos tiefliegendere Animositäten in seiner Spur gelassen.
ÖL-EINKOMMEN UND ÜBERSCHÜSSIGE GROBE POLITIK
Grundlagen Arithmetik ist ziemlich gerade und läßt an vier hauptsächliche Pfosten laufen: Hinzufügung, Abzug, Abteilung und Vermehrung. Jedoch scheinen diese Grundregeln, unterschiedliche Farbtöne nach und nach zu ändern und anzunehmen, wenn es zum öleinkommen Nigerias und zum Erklären es kommt. Einfach gesetzt, stellt jenes verantwortliche, Spielpolitik mit dem öl - die Zuteilung und das anfallende Einkommen dar.
Zu den unterschiedlichen Zeiten habe ich in diesem Raum, der auf den kleiner als transparenten Weisen berührt wird, die wir unsere ölerträge anfassen. Ich berührte auch mich auf der kritischen Frage der inländischen überschußölrohproduktverteilung. Die Angelegenheit ist noch weit von behoben werden. Ich auch sehe nicht, daß Energie-daßsein in irgendwie geneigtem sind, zum Politik, mit unseren ölpolitischen richtlinien zu spielen zu stoppen. Wenn, wie man bestimmte Politik entschuldigt von den nigerischen allgemeinen Beamten erklärt, ausgenommen sie nicht als die „übliche Politik kennzeichnen.“ Sogar weiß der Vorhang von der Hörfähigkeit und das taube vom Messwert, das ist es Alter gewesen, seit die inländischen Raffinerien in produziertem Nigeria Produkte an ihren vollen Kapazitäten verfeinerten. Jedoch jeden Monat, werden die volle Quote des Rohöls Raffinerien gründete ihre an ihre vollen Raffinierungsvermögen zugeteilt. Was niemand sagt, ist wie und wo das überschüssige ungereinigte Rohprodukt abgeschafft wird; und wenn Sie nicht verwendet werden, wo es gespeichert wird.
Vor kurzem als diese Ausgabe seinen häßlichen Kopf wieder aufrichtete, erklärte Minister des Zustandes für Finanzierung, Remi Babalolas wie pro Mittelreports (der Wächter, 24. Apr. 08) die Angelegenheit eine Weise dieses linke Einerhauptreeling. Die achtbaren Ministerwörter: "... die Rückstände (Treibstoffbeihilfe) für Januar zu März 2008 sind durch das PPPRA für die Verarbeitung eingereicht worden und werden vom gleichen überschüssigen groben Konto finanziert werden, wie ist die extant Praxis und zu welchem Herrn gewesen. Präsident hat liebenswürdig zugestimmt, während es beeinflußt alle Reihen der Regierung….„Diese Erklärung ist ein rasches Ausweichen oder eine Schmiede oder beide. Die Welt wird, wenn diese nicht „das Berauben von Peter zur Bezahlung Paul“ beträgt, mit der offensichtlichen Absicht obfuscate vorhandene Politik gestaut. Wenn wir nicht Rohöl, aber Bargeld oder über das Einkommen von ihm sprachen, auf was der Minister sich bezog, in den Buchhaltungbezeichnungen ist, genannt „vitiation“ und nicht ohne Ermächtigung von der beaufsichtigenden Berechtigung vielleicht geschehen könnte. So wo sind die Bundesrevisoren in allem dieses?
Interessant für jedermann, das die dürftigste Aufmerksamkeit auf diese Angelegenheit gelenkt hat, lud der Beamte mit der ausgedehnteren Ausgabe des beaufsichtigenden nationalen Einkommens, Herr auf. Hamman Tukur, Vorsitzender der Einkommen Mobilisierung, der Verteilung und des steuerlichen Ausschusses (RMAFC), hat lang die Praxis herabgesetzt, die Babalola Versuche sind, um zu validieren. Bei mehr als einer Gelegenheit möglicherweise mit dem Nutzen der Nachsicht betreffend ist die grobe Fehlanwendung von „weihte Konten“ während der Babangida und Abacha ära, Herr ein. Tukur hatte öffentlich das Bestehen eines überschüssigen groben Kontos und bei jeder Gelegenheit verurteilt, gekennzeichnet ihnen als verfassungswidriges und einer Abdeckung für das Entleeren der Kapital von den amtlichen Coffers, aka vermutlicher Betrug. Gesetzlich sind Tukur und Babalola Berater zum Präsidenten Yar' Adua. Man wundert sich, wem die obere Hand auf solchen Politikangelegenheiten hat. Gut ist es ganz über Politik.
VORGEWÄHLTE PASSENDER PROZESS-POLITIK
, wenn in 2007, die der Siemens Bestechungsgeldskandal brach, brachte Nigeria kündigte sofort alle laufenden Verträge mit Siemens und verschob weitere Umgang mit der Firma in Verlegenheit. In der Wirklichkeit jedoch während Siemens' Vorsitzender und Hauptgeschäftsführer beide überschuß der angebliche Skandal von Siemens Bestechungsgelder zahlend den nigerischen Beamten beendigten, und in der Firma wurde 201 €Million verurteilt und gebildet, um 179 €Million in den Steuernachzahlungen, nichts geschah zu zahlen am nigerischen Ende. Außer Mitteln berichtet über EFCC Untersuchung einiger in hohem Grade gesetzter Nigerianer, einschließlich vier ehemalige Minister der Kommunikationen nämlich Cornelius Adebayo, Haruna Elewi, Tajudeen Olanrewaju und Bello Muhammad, sowie Senator Jubril Aminu, alle die waren, die angeblich als Empfänger des Siemens Bestechungsgeldes erwähnt wurden, in den Probeverfahren in einem Gericht in München, Gernamy, zilch geschehen ist. In a country that practices real democracy that would not be the case and it would also not be the case in Nigeria, if politics did not subjugate democracy.
However, the greatest scandal of all is this: in the wake of the scandal, the ever-loquacious Attorney-General Michael Aondoakaa, proclaimed, “We are going to look at the case. As the Attorney-General of the Federation, I can tell you that it is not a matter that government will treat with levity.” He had even threatened to summon Mr. Joachim Schmillen, Germany’s ambassador to Nigeria to explain the scandal. Yet nothing further has been heard of the scandal despite the Attorney-General’s bluster. But then what is new? Look at the length of time it took EFCC to to take Senator Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello into custody, on allegation of being in possession of N10 million from the N300 million Ministry of Health’s unspent fund scam. While she was in hiding, certainly, people assisted her, which in any real democracy, amounts to obstruction of justice - an act that is equally a punishable offence.
AVOIDING JUDICIAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBPOENA POLITICS
When the Oputa Panel convened several years back, it invited Nigerians in their public and private capacities to come forth and testify. Because it was convenient for President Obasanjo or better still, since he was still aspiring to be like Nelson Mandela, he showed up. But his fellow and subordinate ex-general, notably Ibrahim Babangida did not. Nothing happened. Only this week, Minister of Finance, Shamsudeen Usman and Dr. Bright Okongwu, the Director of Budget Office failed to appear before the Senate Committee on Local and Foreign Debts to explain what happened to the allotted N25 billion in the 2006 budget meant for payment to local |
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